The aim of this study was (1) to provide behavioral evidence for multimodal feature integration in an object recognition task in humans and (2) to characterize the processing stages and the neural structures where multisensory interactions take place. Event-related potentials (ERPs) were recorded from 30 scalp electrodes while subjects performed a forced-choice reaction-time categorization task: At each trial, the subjects had to indicate which of two objects was presented by pressing one of two keys. The two objects were defined by auditory features alone, visual features alone, or the combination of auditory and visual features. Subjects were more accurate and rapid at identifying multimodal than unimodal objects. Spatiotemporal analysis of ERPs and scalp current densities revealed several auditory-visual interaction components temporally, spatially, and functionally distinct before 200 msec poststimulus. The effects observed were (1) in visual areas, new neural activities (as early as 40 msec poststimulus) and modulation (amplitude decrease) of the N185 wave to unimodal visual stimulus, (2) in the auditory cortex, modulation (amplitude increase) of subcomponents of the unimodal auditory N1 wave around 90 to 110 msec, and (3) new neural activity over the right fronto-temporal area (140 to 165 msec). Furthermore, when the subjects were separated into two groups according to their dominant modality to perform the task in unimodal conditions (shortest reaction time criteria), the integration effects were found to be similar for the two groups over the nonspecific fronto-temporal areas, but they clearly differed in the sensory-specific cortices, affecting predominantly the sensory areas of the nondominant modality. Taken together, the results indicate that multisensory integration is mediated by flexible, highly adaptive physiological processes that can take place very early in the sensory processing chain and operate in both sensory-specific and nonspecific cortical structures in different ways.

The aim of the present study was to examine the time course and scalp distribution of electrophysiological manifestations of the visual word recognition mechanism. Event-related potentials (ERPs) elicited by visually presented lists of words were recorded while subjects were involved in a series of oddball tasks. The distinction between the designated target and nontarget stimuli was manipulated to induce a different level of processing in each session (visual, phonological/phonetic, phonological/lexical, and semantic). The ERPs of main interest in this study were those elicited by nontarget stimuli. In the visual task the targets were twice as big as the nontargets. Words, pseudowords, strings of consonants, strings of alphanumeric symbols, and strings of forms elicited a sharp negative peak at 170 msec (N170); their distribution was limited to the occipito-temporal sites. For the left hemisphere electrode sites, the N170 was larger for orthographic than for nonorthographic stimuli and vice versa for the right hemisphere. The ERPs elicited by all orthographic stimuli formed a clearly distinct cluster that was different from the ERPs elicited by nonorthographic stimuli. In the phonological/phonetic decision task the targets were words and pseudowords rhyming with the French word vitrail, whereas the nontargets were words, pseudowords, and strings of consonants that did not rhyme with vitrail. The most conspicuous potential was a negative peak at 320 msec, which was similarly elicited by pronounceable stimuli but not by nonpronounceable stimuli. The N320 was bilaterally distributed over the middle temporal lobe and was significantly larger over the left than over the right hemisphere. In the phonological/lexical processing task we compared the ERPs elicited by strings of consonants (among which words were selected), pseudowords (among which words were selected), and by words (among which pseudowords were selected). The most conspicuous potential in these tasks was a negative potential peaking at 350 msec (N350) elicited by phonologically legal but not by phonologically illegal stimuli. The distribution of the N350 was similar to that of the N320, but it was broader and including temporo-parietal areas that were not activated in the "rhyme" task. Finally, in the semantic task the targets were abstract words, and the nontargets were concrete words, pseudowords, and strings of consonants. The negative potential in this task peaked at 450 msec. Unlike the lexical decision, the negative peak in this task significantly distinguished not only between phonologically legal and illegal words but also between meaningful (words) and meaningless (pseudowords) phonologically legal structures. The distribution of the N450 included the areas activated in the lexical decision task but also areas in the fronto-central regions. The present data corroborated the functional neuroanatomy of word recognition systems suggested by other neuroimaging methods and described their timecourse, supporting a cascade-type process that involves di...

The neurophysiological mechanisms underlying mismatch negativity (MMN) can be inferred from an examination of some of the brain generators involved in the process of this event-related potential (ERP) component. ERPs were recorded in two studies in which the subjects were involved in a selective dichotic listening task. Subjects were required to silently count rare stimuli deviating in pitch from a sequence of standard stimuli in one ear, while ignoring all the stimuli (standards and deviants) delivered randomly to the other ear. The results showed that, in all cases, the negative wave elicited by the deviant stimuli showed the highest amplitudes over the right hemiscalp irrespective of the ear of stimulation or the direction of attention. Scalp radial current density analysis showed that this asymmetric potential distribution could be attributed to the sum of activities of two sets of neural generators: one temporal, located in the vicinity of the primary auditory cortex, predominantly activated in the hemisphere contralateral to the ear of stimulation, and the other frontal, involving mainly the right hemisphere. The results are discussed in light of Näätänen's model: we suggest the dissociation of two functional processes on the basis of activity of distinct brain areas: a sensory memory mechanism related to the temporal generators, and an automatic attention-switching process related to the frontal generators.

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