   has been described as a 'post-traditional' society, where traditions are less important for organizing social life and where habits once taken-for-granted are questioned (Giddens ; Beck ). This implies more freedom and fewer constraints on individual lives. In line with this, Almås, Karlsen and Thorland () and Almås () have described changes in mentality occurring over three generations of Norwegians as society changes from a 'society of duty' to a 'market-place of opportunity.' Agriculture more than most other sectors has been characterized by tradition and 'family and farm thinking' (Thorsen ), where the collective has precedence over the individual. For members of farm families there are certain expectations about how one should act and think and this might constrain one from acting autonomously (Haugen , p. ). Rural society has recently become heterogeneous, and farmers' life modes and life courses are changing and challenged within the overall processes of modernization. Allowing that changes occur gradually and do not reach all groups or all areas of life in the same way (Gullestad ), I will explore in more detail how the processes of individualization might be found within the farmers' culture. This article focuses on three generations of Norwegian farmers' entry into farming, their views of their present situation as farmers, and their views on succession. In-depth interviews were carried out with sixteen farmers, exploring their special mode of living and how it has changed over generations. The Norwegian agricultural context. A brief historical viewSince the s structural rationalization and mechanization in Norway have meant fewer people working on the farm, as well as growing dependence for L

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This chapter looks into rural out-migration, however not as a fact but as a possibility. It examines young people's accounts and images of rural life in Norway. Based on 130 essays written by students in two rural and two urban comprehensive schools, the chapter explores how young people talk about rurality. The study demonstrates that it is rural girls particularly who feel constrained and trapped by the closed nature of rural society and the high level of social control that goes along with it. But at the same time girls cherish rural life because of the opportunities it offers for a life close to nature and because of the close social networks. It is suggested that these advantages may motivate many of them to come back in order to raise their own children, once they have enjoyed their life as independent young women in the city.

The article examines a phenomenon associated with the rural idyll -the dream of becoming the owner of a smallholding in the countryside. Much research and policy concern in Norway have focused upon rural-urban migration trends and the consequences of the urbanisation process on the sustainability of rural communities. Less attention has been given to the counter trend, that is, urban dwellers searching for a better quality of life in the countryside. The article is based on data from a Norwegian national survey and analyses a question measuring respondents' interest in buying a smallholding. The analysis involves an estimation of a regression model to determine which demographic, socioeconomic and attitudinal variables influence people's interest in buying a smallholding. Further, we were interested in their plans for the smallholding (farming, residence, second home) and the kind of influences these potential new smallholding owners might have on rural communities. Three categories of potential smallholders are identified: aspiring farmers, country-life lovers and recreation seekers. The results indicate that those who live in urban areas are more interested in buying a smallholding than those already living in rural areas.s oru_513 225..241