Les pratiques monétaires des ménages au prisme de la financiarisation par Jeanne Lazarus et Mariana Luzzi en 2014, divers colloques et symposiums 1 ont célébré les vingt ans de la publication du livre majeur de Viviana Zelizer, La signification sociale de l'argent 2. Si cet ouvrage a marqué la sociologie économique et la sociologie dans son ensemble, c'est parce qu'il a ouvert la voie à un champ de recherche-la sociologie de l'argent, et notamment de l'argent domestique-dont il a en même temps légitimé l'autonomisation. V. Zelizer a montré que l'argent n'est pas neutre, qu'il a une odeur, une morale et des attaches qu'il convient d'étudier, mais elle a aussi décrit les efforts permanents des acteurs pour ne pas lui être soumis et l'adapter aux situations sociales ainsi qu'aux relations entre ses utilisateurs. Ses travaux ont donné leurs lettres de noblesse aux recherches sur l'économie domestique, alors que le renouvellement de la sociologie économique depuis la fin des années 1970-en particulier autour de la notion d'encastrement-avait concentré son attention sur les espaces marchands, la production et la distribution : l'argent des ménages n'y apparaissait que sous la forme de la consommation et comme un sujet relevant de la sociologie de la famille 3 .
This article introduces a new social scientific understanding of the relationship between households and finance. We call it financial oikonomization. Financial oikonomization signals a specific research problem and a distinctive analytical approach to this problem. The problem is how households are financially administered and governed. The approach is pragmatist and descriptive. It is oriented to the how, to the study of the problems and practices of those directly involved with administrating and governing households’ financial flows. On the basis of an extensive review of recent research, we distinguish seven operations of financial oikonomization, seven distinct problems—with their own practices, sites and techniques, but all oriented to the financial administration and government of households. We call these operations: budgeting, juggling, evaluating, attaching, educating, publicizing and infrastructuring.
This article aims to show that multiple currencies and multiple monetary functions can embody the ideas and practices of money's reality. We explore the multiple reality of money through the effects of the currency exchange restrictions implemented in Argentina in 2011-2015. Based on a fieldwork conducted between 2014 and 2015 in the cities of Buenos Aires and Santa Fe we describe uses and meanings of multiple currencies on two specific markets (real estate and soybean production). In these two cases, beside the long term use of US dollar for different transactions, the creation of new currencies rely on the definition of what is considered "real" in each universe (for instance, soy producers who take the "soybean" as the unit of account and store of value or real estate developers who use "square meters" as a unit of account). The two cases we present here provide insight on the connections between dynamic currency pluralism, the temporality of transactions and the experiences of money's reality.A few months after Camila passed away, her children-Víctor ( 73), Santa (70), Pepe (66) and Toni (58)-decided to embark upon what would become a never-ending journey: divvying up their mother's inheritance. Camila had owned three properties: a 50 sq. mt. apartment and a duplex, all located in a suburb north of Buenos Aires. Two of her children were already living in the duplex: Santa had rented the ground floor unit for almost ten years; Pepe and his wife had recently moved upstairs. When it came time to see what theproperties were worth, the Torre siblings each called a separate real estate agent to appraise the three properties. There were no major differences in the appraisals given by the different agents, and the prices they finally agreed upon were the following: US$70,000 for the apartment; US$118,000 for the ground floor unit and US$135,000 for the top floor unit. 1 Camila had also left her children US$17,000 in savings. From the point of view of how much each sibling would get, it was simply a question of dividing the total amount to be inherited by four. In other words, assuming the three properties sold for US$340,000 plus the US$17,000 in Camila's savings, each sibling should have gotten US$85,000. Yet things did not turn out to be as simple or straightforward as this mathematical equation. Except for Toni, the youngest sibling, who expected to receive her inheritance in cash, all the others expected to get a property out of the deal. Victor wanted the apartment; Santa wanted the ground floor unit where she was already living and Pepe wanted the top floor.
Entre 2001 et 2003, plus de la moitié des provinces argentines ont émis leurs propres monnaies, lesquelles ont coexisté avec la monnaie nationale (le peso) sur leurs territoires respectifs. Fondée sur une étude de cas, l’analyse proposée ici aborde les effets de cette multiplication des monnaies sur les usages quotidiens et les représentations sociales de l’argent en Argentine. À partir de l’examen détaillé des pratiques monétaires, il s’agit de considérer les modalités pratiques de la coexistence de diverses monnaies, tout en offrant des éléments nécessaires à une réflexion empirique fondée sur les processus de socialisation économique qui, dans chaque contexte historique et géographique, donnent forme à des pratiques socialement diffusées de compte et de paiement. Nous décrivons d’abord les pratiques monétaires quotidiennes de la population pendant la période où les monnaies provinciales ont circulé, puis analysons les relations entre les diverses monnaies en circulation et, en même temps, les liens sociaux qui les ont produites tout en étant transformés par elles, et enfin, rendons compte des processus de socialisation économique qui constituent à la fois la cause et le résultat de la manière dont se met en place la pluralité monétaire.
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