Immigration is envisaged as part of an 'emergent cultural cleavage' across Western Europe. Within this context, this article explores the politicization of immigration in Portugal between 1995 and 2014. Politicization is interpreted as being formed by two distinct dimensions: salience and polarization of the political claims found within news articles extracted from newspapers. Notwithstanding the doubling of the foreign population settled in the country in the early 2000s, the diminished salience and the absence of significant political conflict suggest that immigration failed to become politicized in Portugal. Drawing on a comparative analysis with seven other European states between 1995 and 2009, Portugal observed the lowest rate of politicization. Rather than being related with socioeconomic factors, the lack of politicization of immigration was associated with the strategies of the mainstream parties, which successfully prevented the emergence of this topic as a significant political cleavage.
Resumo Entre 2010 e 2011, o governo Fidesz-KDNP levou a cabo uma série de reformas legais, sociais e políticas, entre as quais a votação de uma nova constituição. Através da análise desta e das alterações à anterior constituição que a precederam, este artigo visa estudar a influência das recentes alterações ao quadro constitucional húngaro no Estado de Direito no país. Tendo por base a definição teórica de Estado de Direito, é possível argumentar que na Hungria têm sido minados princípios como a separação de poderes, a constitucionalidade das leis, a independência do poder judicial, bem como a dignidade da pessoa humana, a liberdade, a justiça e a segurança. Consequentemente, muitas têm sido as críticas ao governo de Orbán. Entre estas conta-se a da União Europeia, que vê na Hungria o primeiro Estado-membro a afastar-se dos valores democráticos da união.
Using data from the European Election Study 2014, this article focuses on workers’ EU political alignments during the Great Recession. It deals with two research questions. First, how does the attitude of (manual) workers towards the EU compare to that of the middle and upper classes in the aftermath of the Great Recession? Second, when it comes to workers’ support for the EU, are there systematic differences between countries affected by the crisis? The article finds that, on the one hand, in terms of patterns of workers’ EU political alignments, there are no systematic differences between countries affected to varying degrees by the Great Recession. On the other hand, workers still feel fundamentally detached from the EU, especially when it comes to the manual workers. However, high levels of generalised detachment from the EU are not clearly translated into preferences for Eurosceptic parties, since there are high levels of vote fragmentation.
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