Background: In conflict-afflicted areas, pregnant women and newborns often have higher rates of adverse health outcomes. Objective: To describe maternal and child health indicators and interventions between 1998 and 2016 comparing high and low conflict areas in Colombia. Methods: Mixed study of convergent triangulation. In the quantitative component, 16 indicators were calculated using official, secondary data sources. The victimization rate resulting from armed conflict was calculated by municipality and grouped into quintiles. In the qualitative component, a comparative case study was carried out in two municipalities of Antioquia: one with high rates of armed conflict and another with low rates. A total of 41 interviews and 8 focus groups were held with local and national government officials, health professionals, community informants, UN agencies and NGOs. Results: All of the indicators show improvement, however, four show statistically significant differences between municipalities with high victimization rates versus low ones. The maternal mortality ratio was higher in the municipalities with greater victimization in the periods 1998-2004, 2005-2011 and 2012-2016. The percentage of cesarean births and women who received four or more antenatal visits was lower among women who experienced the highest levels of victimization for the period 1998-2000, while the fertility rate for women between 15 and 19 years was higher in these municipalities between 2012 and 2016. In the context of the armed conflict in Colombia, maternal and child health was affected by the limited availability of interventions given the lack of human resources in health, supplies, geographical access difficulties and insecurity. The national government was the one that mostly provided the programs, with difficulties in continuity and quality. UN Agencies and NGOs accessed more easily remote and intense armed conflict areas. Few specific health interventions were identified in the postconflict context. Conclusions: In Colombia, maternal and child health indicators have improved since the conflict, however a pattern of inequality is observed in the municipalities most affected by the armed conflict.
El artículo reflexiona alrededor de las preguntas ¿Cuáles son las violencias de géneroen el espacio público en la ciudad de Medellín? ¿De qué manera influyen las violenciashacia las mujeres y los roles de género en la apropiación y configuración de los espaciospúblicos de la ciudad? A través de búsquedas en la prensa, encuestas, grupos focales,historias de vida y cartografía social, se hace un retrato con perspectiva de género de laciudad. En dicho retrato se da cuenta de los lugares temidos, los lugares prohibidos, y lasprácticas y vivencias de las mujeres; así como de sus imaginarios, sus miedos, expectativasy frustraciones sobre su apropiación del espacio público.
This article examines the political formula of Romanestan as conceived by Ionel Rotaru (1918-1982), a Romanian refugee in France after the Second World War. Romanestan is the most visible aspect of an ambitious plan demanding rights for those labelled Gypsies throughout the world. This study is of interest because it sheds new light on the problems of social and political readjustment after the Second World War from the standpoint of racial exclusion. Rotaru's project was both the response to longstanding historical racist aggression and also a crucial turning point in the formation of Romani ethnic identity. What makes its study interesting is that the formula of the Romanestan wove the right to exist of those regarded as Gypsies into a creative transnational political project. Based on classified documents, this article highlights the political nature of processes of ethnicization and assesses the performative power of symbols.
ResumenEste artículo muestra las prácticas creativas y políticas a las que han acudido las mujeres cantadoras de alabaos del corregimiento de Pogue, municipio de Bojayá, departamento del Chocó, para denunciar los daños causados por la guerra, sanar las heridas y tramitar las pérdidas de acuerdo a los repertorios espirituales afrochocoanos. Las Musas de Pogue proponen nuevos lenguajes políticos como escenarios de diálogo para la paz y expresan los temores e incertidumbres sobre el futuro de las comunidades afrodescendientes en Bojayá. Este artículo es resultado de un ejercicio participativo de investigación con enfoque etnográfico en el que se construyeron narrativas visuales y radiales con las voces de las alabaoras, sus hijas y parientes como protagonistas. Palabras clave
Este artículo presenta una reflexión crítica sobre la historiografía dedicada al estudio de las emociones, mostrando su origen, sus logros y sus posibilidades. Para ello, el texto se organiza en tres recorridos que exploran 1) los paradigmas explicativos de lo emocional que más han influido en los planteamientos historiográficos; 2) el interés que los afectos han suscitado en la historiografía contemporaneísta desde principios del siglo XX hasta la llegada del llamado «giro afectivo»; y 3) la pluralidad de enfoques teóricos y categorías de análisis que los historiadores de las emociones han ido ofreciendo en las últimas décadas. Teniendo todo ello en cuenta, este artículo defiende lo oportuno de poner a dialogar la historia de las emociones con diferentes categorías de análisis, como el género o la raza, y lo ventajoso de abordar estos estudios desde otros enfoques, como la historia biográfica.
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