Multiculturalism promises equality and tolerance, yet racialized minorities in Canada continue to report experiences of discrimination. As Canada becomes increasingly culturally and racially diverse, it is important to understand what this discrimination means for sense of belonging in Canada. Using ordinary logistic regressions, we examine the effects of ethnocultural and racial discrimination on sense of belonging. Relying on a theoretical framework of the Rejection/Identification and Rejection/Disidentification models, we test the impacts of discrimination on national sense of belonging and on in-group sense of belonging. We further examine the differential effects of discrimination on sense of belonging for white and non-white Canadians. We find that discrimination negatively impacts both national and ingroup sense of belonging among both non-white and white Canadians, although the impact is stronger among racialized minorities. Thus, we argue that discrimination reduces sense of belonging in Canada generally, but is more damaging to those who already occupy a marginalized social position. These findings have implications for our understanding of multiculturalism in Canada.

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The right to free movement, to move and work freely within the European Union (EU), is a cornerstone right held by EU and European Free Trade Area (EFTA) citizens. Labor flows across the EU are, however, not uniform but are characterized by significant geographic disparities. In particular, since the 2008 global financial crisis, labor emigration, measured by the rate of EU citizens living and working in other EU countries, has increased exclusively among certain Central and Eastern European nations. This paper seeks to examine the link between labor migration, austerity policies, and the rise of radical nationalist politics. This paper uses Boolean analysis to examine the relationships between labor migration, nationalism, welfare support, and austerity. I argue that austerity measures have pushed certain Central and Eastern European countries into the roles of labor-sending nations, so that emigration and scarcity put pressure on traditional conceptions of belonging, fueling radical politics. In this way, austerity provides the material and ideological conditions under which emigration comes to be seen as a threat to the well-being of the nation, stoking support for nationalist populist parties.

Recent decades have seen an electoral resurgence of radical right parties in Europe. Despite their international reputations as gender-egalitarian welfare paradises, the Nordic nations are no exception to this trend. While Nordic radical right movements have appropriated gender-egalitarian language, the leadership and voting bases of these parties remains overwhelmingly male. The gender gap is generally understood as a reflection of gender differences in structural location and in values. This article examines the importance of attitudinal and structural influences on voting behaviour for men and women. I highlight the role of anti-immigrant sentiment, while also arguing that gender differences in voter demand for radical right politics are intimately linked to differences in party supply. In short, I endeavour to provide a nuanced view of the gender gap in radical right voting, while nonetheless highlighting the importance of anti-immigrant sentiment in radical right politics.

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