Married men’s wage premium is often attributed to within-household specialization: men can devote more effort to wage-earning when their wives assume responsibility for household labor. We provide a comprehensive evaluation of the specialization hypothesis, arguing that, if specialization causes the male marriage premium, married women should experience wage losses. Furthermore, specialization by married parents should augment the motherhood penalty and the fatherhood premium for married as compared to unmarried parents. Using fixed-effects models and data from the NLSY79, we estimate within-gender differences in wages according to marital status and between-gender differences in the associations between marital status and wages. We then test whether specialization on time use, job traits, and tenure accounts for the observed associations. Results for women do not support the specialization hypothesis. Childless men and women both receive a marriage premium. Marriage augments the fatherhood premium but not the motherhood penalty. Changes in own and spousal employment hours, job traits, and tenure appear to benefit both married men and women, although men benefit more. Marriage changes men’s labor market behavior in ways that augment wages, but these changes do not appear to occur at the expense of women’s wages.

The autonomy perspective of housework time predicts that wives’ housework time falls steadily as their earnings rise, because wives use additional financial resources to outsource or forego time in housework. We argue, however, that wives’ ability to reduce their housework varies by household task. That is, we expect that increases in wives’ earnings will allow them to forego or outsource some tasks, but not others. As a result, we hypothesize more rapid declines in wives’ housework time for low-earning wives as their earnings increase than for high-earning wives who have already stopped performing household tasks that are the easiest and cheapest to outsource or forego. Using fixed-effects models and data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, we find considerable support for our hypothesis. We further conclude that past evidence that wives who out-earn their husbands spend additional time in housework to compensate for their gender-deviant success in the labor market is due to the failure to account for the non-linear relationship between wives’ absolute earnings and their housework time.

Unemployment has consequences for individuals, but its impacts also reverberate through families. This paper examines how families adapt to unemployment in one area of life—time in housework. Using 74,881 observations from 10,390 couples in the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, we estimate fixed effects models and find that individuals spend between 3 and 7 hours more per week in housework when unemployed than when employed, with corresponding decreases of 1 to 2 hours per week in the housework hours of unemployed individuals' spouses. We are the first to show that unemployment is associated both with a reallocation of housework to the unemployed spouse and an increase in the family's total household production time. The results also provide evidence for gender differences in adjustments to the division of labor during unemployment, with wives' unemployment associated with an increase in housework hours that is double the increase for unemployed husbands.

On average, mothers earn lower wages than childless women. This well-established finding is referred to as the ''motherhood penalty.'' In this review, we summarize the main theoretical explanations for the motherhood penalty, and briefly discuss which theories have received empirical support. We evaluate research that explores variation in the motherhood penalty by important demographic and job-related characteristics. Additionally, we highlight recent methodological advances used to estimate the penalty. The review concludes with suggestions for future research in this area.Both authors contributed equally to this work.

A large literature in sociology concerns the implications of immigrants’ participation in ethnic enclaves for their economic and social well-being. The “enclave thesis” speculates that immigrants benefit from working in ethnic enclaves. Previous research concerning the effects of enclave participation on immigrants’ economic outcomes has come to mixed conclusions as to whether enclave effects are positive or negative. In this article, we seek to extend and improve upon past work by formulating testable hypotheses based on the enclave thesis and testing them with data from the 2003 New Immigrant Survey (NIS), employing both residence-based and workplace-based measures of the ethnic enclave. We compare the economic outcomes of immigrants working in ethnic enclaves with those of immigrants working in the mainstream economy. Our research yields minimal support for the enclave thesis. Our results further indicate that for some immigrant groups, ethnic enclave participation actually has a negative effect on economic outcomes.

Social determinants of health theoretical frameworks identify health insurance coverage as a determinant of older adults’ osteoporosis diagnoses, which results in health inequities. In this research, we used the longitudinal Health and Retirement Study dataset of older United States adults, sampled biennially from 2012 to 2016. Logistic regressions estimated odds of osteoporosis diagnosis with and without a bone scan and/or hip fracture, holding insurance type, and health and demographic factors constant. Results were validated using the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey. Probable underdiagnosing is present in older adults identifying as Black/African American and as males without a bone scan, regardless of fracture status, potentially as products of structural racism and sexism. Models including a bone scan show a reduction in disparities. These findings suggest having a bone scan is still crucial for addressing health inequities in older adults, and remedying barriers to accessing a scan is paramount.

There is a well-documented negative correlation between unemployment and health. Yet, little research has examined how unemployment relates to participation in physical activity, and few researchers have considered how an individual's unemployment may affect the health of their spouse or partner. The purpose of this study is to answer three questions: 1. Is one's own unemployment associated with changes in physical activity participation? 2. Is one's partner's unemployment associated with changes in physical activity participation? 3. Do changes in physical activity behaviors associated with unemployment differ by gender? This study uses nationally representative, longitudinal data on couples in the United States, covering the period 1999–2013. These data, obtained from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, are used to estimate fixed-effects models of the relationships between one's own, and one's partner's, unemployment and participation in physical activity. I find that for men unemployment is not associated with changes in physical activity time. For women, own unemployment is associated with increases in physical activity, whereas a partner's unemployment is associated with decreases in physical activity. I argue that unemployed women, unlike men, are able to take advantage of the increased availability of time through reduced labor supply to invest in their health during unemployment, which could have positive long-run consequences. Results suggest the importance of studying unemployment and health at the household level and suggest a need for further investigation into gender differences in unemployment and health.

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