Land-grant colleges were created in the mid-nineteenth century when the federal government sold off public lands and allowed states to use that money to create colleges. The land that was sold to support colleges was available because of a deliberate project to dispossess American Indians of land they inhabited. By encouraging westward migration, touting the “civilizing” influence of education, emphasizing agricultural and scientific education to establish international strength, and erasing Native rights and history, the land-grant colleges can be seen as an element of settler colonialism. Native American dispossession was not merely an unfortunate by-product of the establishment of land-grant colleges; rather, the colleges exist only because of a state-sponsored system of Native dispossession.
Immediately after the events of September 11, 2001, there was a dramatic upsurge in exhibitions of patriotism, most generally in the form of flags prominently displayed on houses, storefronts, and automobiles. There also was a renewed zeal for inculcating patriotic feelings in children at public schools across the country. This paper, based on a study of teacher credential candidates at a large urban midwestern university, suggests that there may be a need to create a new discourse of patriotism. Such a project might integrate patriotism, the discourse on citizenship education, and the discourse of multicultural education, into a coherent whole. This new discourse on patriotism might, then, ground the emotionalism of patriotism in the responsibility of citizenship, employing the critical thought generated in discourses of multiculturalism.
In June 1948, Wisconsin Superior Court Judge Roy H. Proctor sentenced four University of Wisconsin students to one year probation for “participating in abnormal sexual activities.” The four students were among a group of twelve men on and off campus who had been arrested by city and university police. Their sentence was mild, given that the judge could have put them in prison for up to five years. Judge Proctor warned them that if there was a second offense, they should not expect leniency. “Each and all of you should feel deeply ashamed,” Proctor told them; “your conduct has caused an indelible mark to be placed against you. Certainly you will have to watch your step in the future, not only to avoid becoming second offenders, but to allay all suspicions of your becoming involved again.” Indeed, when one of the young men tried to move on with his life, university administrators made sure that the “indelible mark” followed him.
Immediately after the American Revolution, the founders set about the task of ensuring the continued existence of the fledgling republic. Facing a host of problems—economic, social, and governmental—some founders promoted a concept of schooling that would inculcate patriotism and forge a uniquely American identity. Noah Webster wanted to create an American language, and Benjamin Rush wanted schools to “convert men into republican machines.” Webster, Rush, Thomas Jefferson, and others all wanted to use some version of common schooling to instill in children a sense of nationalism. Textbooks used in these common schools would be a likely way to further promote a sense of American identity. What that identity should be, though, and what the “good citizen” of the new republic should look like, was sharply contested, and textbooks of this period reflect many of the fissures in the work of nation building.
Immediately after the events of September 11, 2001, there was a dramatic upsurge in exhibitions of patriotism, most generally in the form of flags prominently displayed on houses, storefronts, and automobiles. There also was a renewed zeal for inculcating patriotic feelings in children at public schools across the country. This paper, based on a study of teacher credential candidates at a large urban midwestern university, suggests that there may be a need to create a new discourse of patriotism. Such a project might integrate patriotism, the discourse on citizenship education, and the discourse of multicultural education, into a coherent whole. This new discourse on patriotism might, then, ground the emotionalism of patriotism in the responsibility of citizenship, employing the critical thought generated in discourses of multiculturalism.
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