This paper examines the transition from veterinary student to practitioner, in the context of assessing the outcomes of the veterinary degree program in which the students were trained. Questionnaires were sent to all registered veterinarians who graduated from Massey University between 2001 and 2003 and the heads of human resources of all veterinary practices in New Zealand. These groups, together with veterinarians who had graduated from Massey University between 1993 and 2000, were also invited to participate in focus groups or interviews. Replies were received from 64 graduates and 114 employers. In addition, 115 veterinarians were interviewed or joined focus groups. Most participants thought that the veterinary degree program at Massey University provided a strong basis in scientific theory and clinical reasoning, but was lacking in communication skills training. Clinical exposure was regarded as less than optimal, but adequate for starting practice and as much as could be achieved within the duration of the program. Graduates and employers both recognized the pivotal importance of the first year in practice in the careers of veterinarians. Most graduates had positive experiences of their first year, but for those whose experiences were negative, they were often strongly so. Situations in which confidence and clinical competence could be developed in a supportive environment were associated with positive outcomes. The first year after graduation was regarded by graduates and employers as a "make or break" period. Many of the changes that the veterinary profession is currently experiencing, particularly in terms of the demographics of its entrants, impact upon this first post-graduation year.
The workloads, study methods, and motivation of students in a five-year BVSc program were studied using questionnaires and focus groups. Students in each year of the program were asked, on three occasions over an academic year, to record details of their out-of-class study time for each course they were taking and to record the study methods they used, how they prioritized their time between subjects, and how they allocated time to study and leisure activities. Mean response rates were 57% (range: 43-85%). Overall mean out-of-class study time ranged from 19 hours per week in Year 2 to 28 hours per week in Year 4. Study time was related to the level of interest the student had in the subject, the demands of assessments, and the number of subjects being studied. Study methods were related to students' perceptions of the requirements of the subject as well as to their interest in it. Reliance on memorization and the use of set study materials were the predominant methods for courses with low interest scores, whereas higher interest was associated with a broad range of study methods. Leisure time was ring-fenced, especially when workloads were high. Students' motivation was high when they were studying subjects that were new or were seen as relevant to clinical practice; when working with animals or with enthusiastic faculty members; and when involved in subjects more tightly focused on the ultimate goal of becoming a practitioner. It was poor when students were faced with high workloads, disciplines becoming "stale," excessive detail, and low perceptions of relevance. Constant assessment activities were also seen as a burden. In terms of good learning practices, workload and the demands of assessment were considered to be antagonistic. A tension between these perceptions of students and the values of faculty in terms of the development of critical thinking skills in the program is evident.
From four countries (Canada, England, New Zealand and the United States of America) and five disciplines (Counselling & Guidance, Adult Education, Early Years Education, Indigenous Education and Human Development), five feminists in academia come together to share how feminism affects their practice. Ranging in reflections on teaching, research, service and scholarship, this article describes a cooperative enquiry into feminism in action in Aotearoa, New Zealand.
Catherine Harper's book Intersex reveals how sex is administered, managed and, as Foucault says, 'put into discourse'. An intersexed body is a challenge to gender binarism and as such, medical institutions and practitioners, in their effort to uphold sex/ gender classification, resort to sex operations that physically convert the genitals at an early stage. Such medically altered bodies, however, do not guarantee that anatomical sex will correspond to psychological sex. The book focuses on the procedures of medical examinations which label these individuals as 'pathological' and induce feelings of shame, guilt, fear and inadequacy. Through in-depth interviews with individuals whose anatomies exist outside the expected female/male dichotomy, the author raises doubts
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