Psychosocial consequences of the coronavirus pandemic are severe for health care workers due to their higher levels of exposure. Nurses often experience tremendous psychological pressure as a result of their workload in a high-risk environment. The purpose of this study was to determine the impact of the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic on the psychosocial burden and job satisfaction of nurses employed in long-term care. One hundred thirty-eight nurses employed in long-term care participated in the study. The respondents were 96.4% female and 3.6% male. The mean age of the respondents was 53.99 (standard deviation—4.01). The study was conducted between February and June 2021. The research tool was a standardized psychosocial risk scale questionnaire, which is a scientifically validated diagnostic tool with high reliability and accuracy coefficients. The primary tests used during the statistical analyses were non-parametric Mann–Whitney U (for two samples) and Kruskal–Wallis (for more than two samples) tests for assessing differences. During these analyses, in addition to standard statistical significance, appropriate p-values were calculated using the Monte Carlo method. Correlations between ordinal or quantitative variables were made using Spearman’s rho coefficient. The results obtained allow us to conclude that the respondents rated the characteristics present in the workplace that constitute psychosocial risks at an average level. Emotional commitment and continuance-type commitment to the respondents’ job position were also at a medium level. Respondents’ self-rated ability to work for nurses employed in long-term care during the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic and commitment to patient care was high at 4.0 and 4.18, with a maximum of 5 points.
The aim of this article is to analyze the concept of Russian foreign and security policy by Eugene Primakov, one of the most eminent Russian politicians of the twentieth century. The article applies research methods and techniques appropriate to science about politics. These include a comparative analysis and a method of historical analysis that enabled the presentation of political events and factors shaping the foreign and security policy of the Russian Federation. In 1996, President Boris Yeltsin appointed Primakov to the post of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation. The goals and assumptions of foreign and security policy have undergone a thorough redefinition, related to the tendencies noticeable in Russia in 1993–1995. Before, foreign policy had been dominated by neoliberal and Euro-Atlantic options, whose representative was predominantly Primakov’s predecessor as the minister of foreign affairs, Andrei Kozyrev. After the fall of Sergei Kirijenka’s government, Primakov assumed the office of Prime Minister on September 11, 1998 and held it until May 12, 1999. It was a cabinet of political compromise, which was supposed to facilitate agreement with the opposition and the continuation of reforms, although not on the same principles as before. Primakov criticized his predecessors for the wrong political line, the lack of effectiveness of the stabilization policy, which resulted in a fall in production. He stressed that his government did not give up market reform, but called for the state’s participation to be increased. Yevgeny Primakov claimed that Russia should strive to formulate a multipolar system of international relations that truly reflects the multifaceted nature of the present world with the diversity of its interests. Primakov exerted a huge influence on the Russian foreign and security policy of Putin’s day. His political line was carried out by his successors, and above all Igor Ivanov and Sergey Lavrov. The main directions and assumptions of his concepts are still repeated in official documents articulating the Russian doctrine of security and defense, and nothing indicates that this state of affairs has changed, and this in turn carries the threat of destabilization in Central and Eastern Europe.
The Position of the Polish Episcopal Conference on the Parliamentary Elections in 1991The purpose of this article is to show the position of the Conference of the Polish Episcopate on the parliamentary elections in 1991. In official pronouncements of the Conference of the Polish Episcopate on this issue, as well as in the statements of individual bishops you can find two common elements. Firstly, noticeable is the identification of the category of the Polish nation, Catholics and society. Hence the belief that the institutions of a democratic state should uphold Christian values and national. Secondly, the Conference of the Polish Episcopate harbored the misconception by unanimity Catholics in Poland in terms of political views. It quickly turned out that the majority of the population does not recognize the role of the Church as the subject of political life. Already in the early nineties, and especially after the parliamentary elections in 1991, there have been numerous discussions on clericalism and anti‑clericalism.
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