In his 1916 review paper on general relativity, Einstein made the often-quoted oracular remark that all physical measurements amount to a determination of coincidences, like the coincidence of a pointer with a mark on a scale. This argument, which was meant to express the requirement of general covariance, immediately gained great resonance. Philosophers such as Schlick found that it expressed the novelty of general relativity, but the mathematician Kretschmann deemed it as trivial and valid in all spacetime theories. With the relevant exception of the physicists of Leiden (Ehrenfest, Lorentz, de Sitter, and Nordström), who were in epistolary contact with Einstein, the motivations behind the point-coincidence remark were not fully understood. Only at the turn of the 1960s did Bergmann (Einstein's former assistant in Princeton) start to use the term 'coincidence' in a way that was much closer to Einstein's intentions. In the 1980s, Stachel, projecting Bergmann's analysis onto his historical work on Einstein's correspondence, was able to show that what he started to call 'the point-coincidence argument' was nothing but Einstein's answer to the infamous 'hole argument'. The latter has enjoyed enormous popularity in the following decades, reshaping the philosophical debate on spacetime theories. The point-coincidence argument did not receive comparable attention. By reconstructing the history of the argument and its reception, this paper argues that this disparity of treatment is not justified. This paper will also show that the notion that only coincidences are observable in physics marks every critical step of Einstein's struggle with the meaning of coordinates in physics.
This paper offers a historical overview of Einstein's vacillating attitude towards 'phenomenological' and 'dynamical' treatments of rods and clocks in relativity theory. In Einstein's view, a realistic microscopic model of rods and clocks was needed to account for the very existence of measuring devices of identical construction that always measure the same unit of time and the same unit of length. It will be shown that the empirical meaningfulness of both relativity theories depends on what, following Max Born, one might call the 'principle of the physical identity of the units of measure'. In an attempt to justify the validity of such a principle, Einstein was forced by different interlocutors, in particular Hermann Weyl and Wolfgang Pauli, to deal with the genuine epistemological, rather then physical question of whether a theory should be required to describe the material devices needed for its own verification.Keywords: Albert Einstein, Relativity Theory, Rods and Clocks, Hermann Weyl, Wolfgang Pauli, Constructive Relativity, Confirmational Holism Intrinsically Brobdingnag and Lilliput are precisely the same; it needs an intruding Gulliver-an extraneous standard of length-to make them appear different. A. S. Eddington
The present paper attempts to show that a 1915 article by Erich Kretschmann must be credited not only for being the source of Einstein's point-coincidence remark, but also for having anticipated the main lines of the logical-empiricist interpretation of general relativity. Whereas Kretschmann was inspired by the work of Mach and Poincaré, Einstein inserted Kretschmann's point-coincidence parlance into the context of Ricci and Levi-Civita's absolute differential calculus. Kretschmann himself realized this and turned the point-coincidence argument against Einstein in his second and more famous 1918 paper. While Einstein had taken nothing from Kretschmann but the expression "point-coincidences", the logical empiricists, however, instinctively dragged along with it the entire apparatus of Kretschmann's conventionalism. Disappointingly, in their interpretation of general relativity, the logical empiricists unwittingly replicated some epistemological remarks Kretschmann had written before General Relativity even existed.
By inserting the dialogue between Einstein, Schlick and Reichenbach into a wider network of debates about the epistemology of geometry, this paper shows that not only did Einstein and Logical Empiricists come to disagree about the role, principled or provisional, played by rods and clocks in General Relativity, but also that in their lifelong interchange, they never clearly identified the problem they were discussing. Einstein's reflections on geometry can be understood only in the context of his "measuring rod objection" against Weyl. On the contrary, Logical Empiricists, though carefully analyzing the Einstein-Weyl debate, tried to interpret Einstein's epistemology of geometry as a continuation of the Helmholtz-Poincaré debate by other means. The origin of the misunderstanding, it is argued, should be found in the failed appreciation of the difference between a "Helmholtzian" and a "Riemannian" tradition. The epistemological problems raised by General Relativity are extraneous to the first tradition and can only be understood in the context of the latter, the philosophical significance of which, however, still needs to be fully explored.
How must the laws of nature be constructed in order to rule out the possibility of bringing about perpetual motion?Einstein to Solovine, undated In a article for the Times of London, Einstein declared the relativity theory to be a 'principle theory, ' like thermodynamics, rather than a 'constructive theory,' like the kinetic theory of gases. The present paper attempts to trace back the prehistory of this famous distinction through a systematic overview of Einstein's repeated use of the relativity theory/thermodynamics analysis after . Einstein initially used the comparison to address a speci c objection. In his relativity paper he had determined the velocity-dependence of the electron's mass by adapting Newton's particle dynamics to the relativity principle. However, according to many, this result was not admissible without making some assumption about the structure of the electron. Einstein replied that the relativity theory is similar to thermodynamics. Unlike the usual physical theories, it does not directly try to construct models of speci c physical systems; it provides empirically motivated and mathematically formulated criteria for the acceptability of such theories. New theories can be obtained by modifying existing theories valid in limiting case so that they comply with such criteria. Einstein progressively transformed this line of the defense into a positive heuristics. Instead of directly searching for new theories, it is often more e ective to search for conditions which constraint the number of possible theories. The paper argues that the latter was the strategy that led Einstein to most of his major successes. The constructive/principle theories opposition should be considered not only as abstract classi cation of theories, but also as Einstein's attempt to formulate a sort of 'logic of discovery. ' The paper argues that most of Einstein's scienti c successes were obtained by following the principle strategy. Most of his failures happened when he was forced to fall back to the constructive strategy.
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