ASTRACT: This essay examines the evolution of the Ullans phenomenon in the past decade and sets its emergence in a broad political context. Of particular interest to the writer are the claims made about Ullans and the attempts to constitute these as a viable basis for its justification as a distinct language. While factors motivating the supporters of an Ulster-Scots cultural tradition are examined, reasons for hostility towards Ullans are also reviewed. As the debate regarding the linguistic status of Ullans rages on, the author analyses the importance of state recognition for the enhancement of a dialect or language. In this essay the case of Ulster-Scots is set in a strongly comparative context.In the last two decades, political discourse in Northern Ireland has embraced the concept of cultural diversity. There is an af®rmed commitment to the representation of the two cultural traditions within the institutions of power, most notably within the Northern Irish Assembly. While Irish language issues have largely dominated the discourse of cultural nationalists, unionists generally accorded greater priority to the question of citizenship. Yet changes have occurred on the political scene and elements of British, and particularly Ulster-Scottish, culture in Northern Ireland have increasingly generated controversy. Of particular interest to me is the question of Ulster-Scots (Ullans). This essay deals with the political assertions made on behalf of the UlsterScots tongue rather than the extent to which it is spoken.
The emergence of UllansIn the late 1970s public awareness of Ullans in Northern Ireland was minimal. Interestingly, there were few claims for its status as a distinct language at this time. Some academics (e.g. Adams 1977) clearly referred to it as a variety of English spoken in particular regions. Ian Adamson, who is an ardent promoter of loyalist culture and of Ullans as a distinct language, also set it in the context of English at this time. He wrote that`there are many parts of Ulster, therefore, where people are still bilingual in two varieties of the
This paper focuses on the quest of contested speech forms for legitimacy as languages rather than dialects, the distinction being explored solely in a political context. Since the French Revolution the nation-state has played a primary role in affirming the status of language (Ager, 1999). State boundaries have frequently determined the official choice of language. In this essay the relationship between language and nation as invented concepts is briefly reviewed. Theoretically the European Union endorses the role of nation-states in the legitimisation of languages, but the regular informal use of English and French has enhanced the status of these particular languages, thereby devaluing official working languages of other participating nation-states. Increasing globalisation has not necessarily generated greater homogeneity. In that context, the role of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages in the attestation of linguistic diversity at the regional level of Europe is examined. Particular attention is paid to the impact of this Charter on the legitimisation of contested speech-forms. It is contended that the authority of nation-states in this process of affirmation has been weakened, although not severed. These changing forces in the legitimisation of specific cultural concepts reflect variations in definitional factors in other political spheres.
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