Muslim politics in India has gone mainly through two phases in the postindependence era. The first phase is marked by increasing political ghettoisation of Muslim, subsequently leading to the rise of identity politics. This phase lend credence to the idea that Muslims are a homogenised community. The political demands, in this phase, formulated as a process of collective bargaining by community were such as protection and promotion of Urdu; Aligarh Muslim University; non-interference of government into the personal laws, etc. This came as a handy tool for right wing to fuel the majority communalism. The second phase (1991 onwards) marks the onset of democratisation era. With the implementation of Mandal Commission and inclusion of backward Muslim castes into it, the political agenda has shifted from secularism and communalism to social justice; from security to development and equity. This article has tried to contextualise theoretically the marked shift into the Muslim politics due to the democratisation process initiated by inclusion of backward Muslims into the fold of reservation. This article is an attempt to look at the wider implication on Indian political process in post-Mandal phase by taking case study of Bihar. In the process, this article has tried to provide a detailed analysis of the role that is being now played by the Pasmanda Muslim (OBCs and Dalits) in Bihar politics.
<em><em>This article is titled Al-Mas'udi's Contribution in development Classical Islamic Historiography. The focus of the study in this article is to analyze al-Mas'udi's contribution in development historiography during classical Islam in the bibliographic aspects and methods he used. This article uses historical methods that include heuristic stages, verification, interpretation, and historiography. The approach used is a biographical approach. The results in this article show al-Mas'udi's contribution to the development of Islamic historiography in classical times. The contribution can be seen from the bibliographic aspects and the methods he used. Al-Mas'udi used a lot of empirical data as well as the knowledge he gained from scholars. In addition, he also used the samawi books and the books of Greek philosophers in compiling his work. In the historiographical methods section, al-Mas'udi was instrumental in pioneering the use of the dirayah and thematic methods. Al-Mas'udi's work was recognized by subsequent historians, one of whom was Ibn Khaldun. Nonetheless, al-Mas'udi received criticism for his historiographical work, such as the mythological side of his work, al-Mas'udi's tendency towards Shi'a, and the absence of sources in al-Mas'udi's work</em>.</em>
In the state of Uttar Pradesh, Dalits have largely been elected only from the reserved seats, and their representation from non-reserved seats has remained negligible. Apart from ensuring political presence, how do reserved seats impinge on the Dalit politics within the constituency? Who determines the election outcome in the reserved seats? The article argues that in the reserved seats of the State of Uttar Pradesh, Dalit votes remain at best adjunct votes, to the core support base of the respective parties. There is evidence of systemic political backlash from non-Dalit voters against Dalit voters in reserved constituencies. Various parties play a significant role in orchestrating this backlash to help their candidates win. The weak position of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), the party of Dalits in the reserved seats, is an indication of such a backlash. This backlash is largely aimed at the dominant Dalit group, the Chamars, who are treated as political untouchables by one and all, across caste and class.
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