Ever since the terrorist attacks of 9/11, counter-terrorism legislation has been argued to be globally focused on a so called 'suspect community': the 'Muslim community'. The media, politicians and scholars speak about a new wave of terrorism where 'Islamic' is a common key denominator. Critical research, so far predominantly focused on the United Kingdom, has pointed at unintended consequences arising from political discourse in which a 'suspect community' is constructed, for society as a whole and the 'suspect community' in particular. Building on this research, this study analyses if and how Muslims are also constructed as a 'suspect community' in Dutch political discourse on terrorism in the period 2004-2015. The analysis shows that political discourse in the Netherlands has shifted significantly in this period. Whereas until 2011, terrorism was framed as a problem that originates in society and that is to be solved for society as a whole, it is currently seen as a problem that originates in Islam and which needs to be addressed by the 'Muslim community'. All members of that 'Muslim community' are now considered as potentially 'suspect' when they do not openly and explicitly adhere to Western values and take action to distance themselves from the 'Jihadist enemy'. Further societal implications of this discourse, in which the 'Muslim community' is constructed as a 'suspect community,' are also discussed. Ever since 9/11, terrorism has arguably emerged as the most important security issue for Western states, engendering Ban impressive array of new anti-terrorism laws, agencies, doctrines, strategies, programs, initiatives and measures^([18]: 11). State authorities have increasingly adopted strategies which represent both 'hard counter-terrorism', aimed at the prevention of terrorist attacks, and 'soft counter-terrorism', aimed at
Although labor exploitation has been criminalized as human trafficking, also known as labor trafficking, forced labor, or modern slavery, globally, many cases remain undetected. In part, this underreporting is arguably due to low levels of self-identification of victimization of labor trafficking. Low self-identification suggests that a discrepancy exists between legal definitions of labor trafficking victimhood and the lived experiences of work and employment by what are often labor migrants. This contribution discusses scholarly literature that identifies factors that obstruct self-identification among those subjected to labor exploitation. Also, a study is discussed that analyzed how some victims do arrive at selfidentification. This contribution finds that labor trafficking often refers to situations in which migrants have consciously left their country of origin in search of
Hogg 2021 49 Zie bijvoorbeeld E.D. Grodzicka en J. Harambam 'What should academics do about conspiracy theories? Moving beyond debunking to better deal with conspiratorial movements, misinformation and post-truth',
No abstract
Labor trafficking has increasingly become a subject of policy and research due to the rise in cross-border mobility and globalization. Whereas labor trafficking is generally approached through a criminal justice frame of transnational organized crime, in this contribution, a broader transnational social field approach is advocated. It is argued that this does more justice to the complex interconnectedness of contemporary reality and allows us to understand better how vulnerability on which human trafficking feeds is created. It is argued that a transnational field approach to labor trafficking allows us to understand better the different forms in which labor trafficking comes and the different ways in which transnational space plays a role in these. The Netherlands is used as an empirical illustration. It is illustrative of how transnational space plays a different role in three types of labor trafficking. For each type, three phases in the labor trafficking process are scrutinized: recruitment, transportation, and the phase of work. It is concluded that it would be helpful to approach labor trafficking not solely from a criminal justice perspective of transnational organized crime but to also include more
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