In the aftermath of the Cold War and its atomic standoff, US security planning took a`biological turn' (Cooper, 2006). In a report written at the end of the 1990s, the Commission on National Security in the 21st Century (USCNS/21, 1999) captured the tenor of this turn:`W hile conventional conflicts will still be possible, the most serious threat to our security may consist of unannounced attacks on American cities by sub-national groups using genetically engineered pathogens'' (page 11). According to this security discourse, widely available biological weapons materials and know-how, advances in the life sciences, and the possibility of covert attacks by nonstate actors produced a virulent and unpredictable threat.Subsequent government planning and discourse focused on public health technologies and institutions as the foundation of biosecurity (O'Toole and Inglesby, 2003). In an exemplary formulation, global security analyst Christopher Chyba (1998) argued that the developing threat of bioterrorism demanded a national``strategy of public health surveillance.'' Moreover, Chyba and others (eg Henderson, 1998) framed biosecurity as a`dual use' strategy. This discourse, as historian Nicholas King (2005) describes it, claims that``preparations for a biological attack may serve the`dual use' of enhancing other public health activities'' (page 11).As Stephen Collier, Andrew Lakoff, and Paul Rabinow (2004) outline the anthropology of biosecurity, a``key task'' is``to examine the different ways that the bioterrorism threat is constituted by various kinds of experts.'' This paper investigates the design and use of a novel epidemic-detection technology ö known as syndromic surveillance ö which has become central to national biosecurity planning. The implementation of syndromic surveillance troubles the notion of a single program of dual-use biosecurity: what some in the United States government have facilely described as an``integration of public health and national security'' (Guillemin, 2005, page 165). In fact, as I began research into syndromics in 2005, many epidemiologists involved in system design declared the federal plans to be ineffective and troubling. At conferences and in published articles, local and federal syndromic experts articulated
This article follows transnational avian influenza scientists as they move their experimental systems and research objects into what they refer to as the “epicenter” of flu pandemics, southern China. Based on the hypothesis that contact between wild and domestic bird species could produce new pandemic flu viruses, scientists set up a research program into the wild–domestic interface at China's Poyang Lake. As influenza comes to be understood in terms of multispecies relations and ecologies in addition to the virus proper, the scientific knowledge of influenza is increasingly dependent on research conducted at particular sites, such as Poyang Lake. What does this movement of influenza research from laboratory to field mean for anthropological concepts of scientific knowledge? A widely shared premise among anthropologists is that scientific knowledge is made in experimental practice, but this practice turn in science studies draws largely from fieldwork inside laboratories. In this article, drawing on fieldwork with both influenza scientists and poultry breeders, I show how scientific research objects can be displaced by the practices of poultry breeders rather than by experimental practice itself. For these poultry breeders, refusing to respect the distinction of wild and domestic, were breeding wild birds.
Patient intakes did not meet their estimated requirements. The patients in this study were eating well and not at nutritional risk, thus patients with a poor appetite will be even less likely to meet their nutritional requirements. Steamplicity meals result in a lower energy intake than meals from a bulk cook-chill system, but similar protein intakes.
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