Rather, ecological variables are necessary to examine structural, contextual, and sociological effects on human behavior and disease development. Schwartz, 1994 b, p. 823 Many attempts have been made to define (e.g., Rohner, 1984) and then to measure culture. Given the classic definition of culture provided by Kroeber and Kluckhohn (1952), this mapping has usually been made by using values. The most widely known value mapping is the work of Hofstede (1980), whose four value dimensions of Individualism-Collectivism, Power Distance, Uncertainty Avoidance, and Masculinity-Femininity are used as organizing and explanatory constructs in many disciplines. Tapping values salient to Chinese people, the Chinese Culture Connection (1987) has identified one additional dimension to the Hofstede four: Confucian Work Dynamism, or short-term versus long-term orientation (Hofstede, 1991). All five dimensions of culture-level values have provided the conceptual impetus for numerous cross-cultural studies. Several major cross-cultural projects have been conducted subsequent to Hofstede's (1980) groundbreaking work. With his theory-derived value survey, Schwartz (1994 a) has identified seven culture-level dimensions, namely, Conservatism, Intellectual Autonomy, Affective Autonomy, Hierarchy, Egalitarian Commitment, Mastery, and Harmony. Smith, Dugan, and Trompenaars (1996) have identified two reliable value dimensions at the cultural level from their analysis of managerial values: Egalitarian Commitment versus Conservatism, and Utilitarian Involvement versus Loyal Involvement. Smith and Bond (1998, Ch. 3) concluded that these different value surveys have produced convergent results, lending support to the validity of the cultural dimensions originally identified by Hofstede (1980). Recently, House and his associates (2003) have orchestrated a major project to identify cultural dimensions across 62 countries. A distinctive feature of this multicultural project is that values associated with leadership were measured concurrently with ideal and actual leadership behaviors. The House team has identified nine culture-level dimensions:

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The Analogical Emotional Scale (AES) permits respondents to represent the changes that occur in the course of two different emotions over the time in which they are experienced ( Carrera & Oceja, 2007 ). We tested whether the use of the AES allows us to go beyond the distinction between sequential and simultaneous emotional experiences. Specifically, the AES permits us to detect and discriminate at least four different patterns of mixed emotional experience: sequential, prevalence, inverse, and highly simultaneous. We carried out four studies in which different stimuli were used for inducing emotion: personal memories, verbal accounts, videos, and photographs. The results supported our expectation that these four patterns are associated with different levels of emotional ambivalence and tension along a continuum from lesser to greater: sequential, prevalence, inverse, and highly simultaneous.

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Esta es la versión de autor del artículo publicado en: This is an author produced version of a paper published in: El acceso a la versión del editor puede requerir la suscripción del recurso Access to the published version may require subscription Observing a person in need usually provokes a compound and dynamic emotional experience 3 made up of empathy and personal distress which, in turn, may influence helping behavior. As the 4 exclusive use of rating scales to measure these two emotions does not permit the analysis of their 5 concurrent evolution, we added the Analogical Emotional Scale (AES) in order to measure how 6 these two emotions evolve throughout the emotional experience, from its onset to its conclusion. 7Therefore, in two studies, the concurrence of empathy and personal distress was induced, both 8 rating scales and AES were used, and participants were given an unexpected opportunity to help. 9Two effects were found. First, the helping behavior was lower when personal distress prevailed 10 over empathy at the end of the experience (Studies 1 and 2). Second, this "end" effect was 11 coherent with the nature of the different motives evoked by personal distress and empathy -12 directed to increasing either one's own welfare (egoistic) or the victim's welfare (altruism) 13 (Study 2). These results support the usefulness of combining the rating scales and the AES for 14 gaining a better understanding of the nature and behavioral consequences of complex, compound 15 and dynamic emotional experiences. 16Keys words: empathy, personal distress, helping behavior. Can we feel both empathy and personal distress together? Yes, we can. Research has 3 consistently shown that these two emotions (a) are elicited by the situation of perceiving a person 4 in need, (b) are usually reported in rating scales as occurring simultaneously, and (c) may lead to 5 an increase in helping behavior (for a review, see Batson, Fultz, Schoenrade & Paduano 1987). 6 However, our initial question is not altogether irrelevant; while previous studies have shown that 7 the response to another's relatively severe and unexpected need involves the emotional 8 experiences of empathy and distress, distinguishing between these two emotional reactions has 9 been highlighted as important, and for two reasons: they are easily confused with one another 10 (Batson, Early & Salvarani, 1997) and they have a powerful effect on helping behavior (for a 11 review see Batson, 1991; Batson, 2011). 12Focusing on both their usual misidentification and their impact on helping behavior, 13 researchers have warned that empathy and personal distress are two emotions with very different 14 natures. For example, Batson and collaborators claim that empathy is an other-oriented emotion 15 that evokes the altruistic motivation to reduce the other's need, whereas personal distress is a 16 self-oriented emotion that evokes the egoistic motivation to reduce one's own aversive arousal 17 (Batson, Duncan, Ackerman, Buckley, & Birch, 1981; Batson, O'Quin, Fultz, Vanderpla...

In the present work we test whether the effectiveness of ecological messages may be canceled out when they conflict with the descriptive norm that is salient in the situation. In two studies, participants were unobtrusively observed while performing an ecologically relevant behavior: leaving lights on or off when exiting a public space. The results of Study 1 showed in two different settings (i.e., public washrooms of a university and of a restaurant) the powerful influence of focusing a descriptive norm that refers to such behavior, even when this descriptive norm is not sustained by the injunctive norm. The results of Study 2 showed the overall ineffectiveness of ecological messages when the information in the message was in conflict with the descriptive norm made salient by the context. Additionally, the results of a Follow-up Study suggested that vividness-congruency may increase the effectiveness of the message. Both the theoretical and practical implications of these results are discussed. Keywords: focus theory, descriptive norm, injunctive norm, ecological behavior, vividness-congruency.En este trabajo se comprueba si los mensajes de tipo ecológico pierden efectividad cuando entran en conflicto con la norma descriptiva; es decir, la percepción sobre cómo se comportan las personas en una situación concreta. En dos estudios se observó la conducta de dejar las luces apagadas o encendidas al salir de un espacio público. En dos contextos diferentes (i.e., los servicios de una universidad y de un restaurante) los resultados del Estudio 1 mostraron como el comportamiento se ajusta a la norma descriptiva saliente. Los resultados del Estudio 2 mostraron que los mensajes ecológicos no son efectivos cuando la información contenida en dichos mensajes entra en conflicto con la norma descriptiva saliente. Además, los resultados de dos estudios complementarios mostraron que la influencia de la norma descriptiva era independiente de la norma prescriptiva, y que la efectividad del mensaje ecológico puede incrementarse si despierta una imagen clara y coherente con el comportamiento que se pretende provocar (i.e., vividness-congruency).

In three experiments, participants were faced with a social dilemma in which they could benefit themselves, the group, or other group members as individuals. The results showed that participants who felt high empathy toward a certain individual allocated more resources to the target of empathy, but without reducing the collective good. Then, we adapted the measure of empathy developed by Batson and colleagues (Batson, Ahmad, et al., 1999;Batson, Batson, et al., 1995) to the Spanish context. The results of Experiment 3 supported the existence of a new process: awareness of other individuals present in the social dilemma. It is proposed that this process is independent of those typically studied in research of this field: self-interest, group identification, and the empathy for a specific individual. Keywords: empathy, awareness of others, social dilemmaEn tres experimentos se presentó a los participantes un dilema social en el que podían beneficiarse a sí mismos, al grupo, o a individuos concretos del grupo. En primer lugar, los resultados mostraron que las participantes que sintieron una alta empatía por un individuo concreto le adjudicaron más recursos, pero sin perjudicar al bien colectivo. En segundo lugar, se adaptó al castellano la medida de empatía elaborada por Batson y sus colegas (Batson, Ahmad, et al., 1999;Batson, Batson, et al., 1995). En tercer lugar, los resultados del Experimento 3 apoyaron la existencia de un nuevo proceso: la conciencia de la existencia de otros individuos presentes en el dilema social. Se propone que este proceso es independiente de los tradicionalmente estudiados por la investigación en este campo: el auto-interés, la identificación con el grupo, y la empatía sentida hacia un individuo en concreto.

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