ContentsAcknowledgments xiii Preface xiv List of Tables xviii Abbreviations and Conventions xix 1 The Greek Reflexes of *r̥ and *l ̥ 1 Introduction 1 1.1 The Problem and Its Relevance 1 1.1.1 A Concise Summary of Some Previous Accounts 2 1.1.2 Research Questions and Hypotheses 7 1.2 Environments with a Common Greek or Proto-Greek Reflex αρ, αλ 10 1.2.1 PIE *CRHV and *CRHC 11 1.2.2 * r̥ and * l ̥ before a Glide 13 1.2.3 Word-Initial * r̥ -and * l ̥-16 1.2.4 Word-Final * r̥ and * l ̥ 18 1.2.5 * r̥ and * l ̥ before Nasals 18 1.2.6 Conclusions on Early Anaptyxis 20 1.3 The o-and u-Colored Reflexes of *r̥ and *l ̥ in the Environment *C_T 20 1.3.1 Which Dialects Have a Regular o-Colored Reflex? 21 1.3.2 The u-Colored Reflex 21 1.3.3 The o-Colored Reflex of the Syllabic Nasals 27 1.4 Previous Accounts of -αρ-versus -ρα-in Ionic-Attic 31 1.4.1 Free Variation between -ρα-and -αρ-at an Early
Summary The function of the augment in Homer is a widely discussed issue in Greek linguistics. The traditional view that the Homeric augment is a temporal marker, just like in Classical Greek, has been questioned during the last decades. This article first summarizes the most relevant observations that have been made and evaluates their strengths and weaknesses. First of all, the high frequency of the augment on the aorist in gnomes and similes, but also when the current result of a past action is highlighted, suggests that the augment does not refer to a past event. The type of discourse, moreover, correlates with the frequency of the augment: it is used relatively often in similes and character speech, but not in narrative. This is why the function of the augment has in recent years been interpreted as deictic (Bakker) or pragmatic (Mumm). In our view, metrical considerations and morphological restrictions influence the use of the augment rather heavily, but if that is taken into consideration, a pragmatic function of the augment seems plausible. We illustrate these points and the remaining problems by discussing augment use in three passages from the Iliad.
In Greek compounds, non-privative ἀ-is normally derived from copulative *sm ̥ -(cf. Vedic sa-, sam-) or from *n̥ -, allegedly the zero grade of the preposition 'in'. In this paper, I propose that various such compounds contain traces of local particles. A reconstruction with ἀν-(the apocopated form of ἀνα-) is proposed for the nominal compounds Ἄτλας, ἀστεμφής, ἀσπερχές, while PIE *h 2 ed-(as in Latin ad, Gothic at) is recognized in ἄχρι, ἀσπάζομαι, ἀθρέω, ἀτενής, ἀσελγής, and ἀχανής. The remaining body of evidence for intensive and copulative alpha is also scrutinized. I argue that Greek preserves traces of *sm ̥ -not only as a nominal prefix, but (like Indo-Iranian) also as a preverb. I see no compelling reason, however, to posit PIE *n̥ -as the zero grade of 'in'.Glotta downloaded from www.vr-elibrary.de by Universiteit te Leiden Bibliotheek FSW on October, 30 2023 For personal use only. Lucien vanBeek 40 1.1 Alpha copulativum = intensivum?Various handbooks have settled on the opinion that alpha copulativum and intensivum are in origin the same prefix. 8 A bridge between both variants has been recognized in a small number of possessive compounds where ἀ-can be rendered with πολυ-, such as ἄβιος 'rich' = 'having much βίος' (Harpocration, Hsch.). 9 As for the semantics, endocentric compounds 'being together with X' are supposed to have developed into possessive compounds meaning 'with much X'. 10 Cases like ἀσπερχές 'furiously' are then interpreted along the same lines (< 'having much *σπέρχος'). 11 This scenario is, however, not without difficulties. First of all, possessive compounds with ἀ-= πολυ-are hardly attested in early sources, but mainly in lexicographers. This casts doubt on their antiquity. Secondly, the lack of initial aspiration of intensive alpha has to be explained either by Grassmann's Law or by assuming an Ionic or epic origin. This is possible for a good number of cases, but as Seiler (1958: 3) remarks, if ἀτενής has copulative alpha, it is difficult to explain why it mainly occurs in Attic prose writers and in Aristophanes. 12 Thirdly, some of the best cases for intensive alpha can be analyzed more naturally as deverbal compounds. To back up the assumption that ἀτενής is based on a neuter *τένος, one might adduce (with Sommer 1909: 22) the Latin substantives tenor, -ōris 'sustained movement, course' and tenus, -oris 'cord used in bird-catching'. However, __________ 8 E.g. DELG, GEW, and Risch (1974: 216 with n. 29): "Sehr zweifelhaft ist die Existenz eines ἀ intensivum".9 Also in a few Homeric hapaxes (e.g. ἄξυλος, allegedly 'with much timber'); these will be discussed in more detail in section 4.2 below. 10 In the words of Frisk (GEW s.v. ἁ-): "Aus der Bedeutung 'zusammen, mit etw. versehen' erwuchs wahrscheinlich das sog. α ἐπιτατικόν (intensivum)". Cf. also DELG (s.v. ἁ-): "cet ἀ-copulatif présente dans certains examples une valeur intensive (…), l'idée de «ensemble, pourvu de», etc. se prêtant à s'infléchir en ce sens".11 This final point is, however, usually not made explicit. ...
This chapter was made possible by a VENI grant from NWO (Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research) for the project Unraveling Homer's language. 1 An eleventh-century date has recently been proposed (Waal 2018).
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