Defining hope as a cognitive set that is composed of a reciprocally derived sense of successful (a) agency (goal-directed determination) and (b) pathways (planning of ways to meet goals), an individual-differences measure is developed. Studies demonstrate acceptable internal consistency and test-retest reliability, and the factor structure identifies the agency and pathways components of the Hope Scale. Convergent and discriminant validity are documented, along with evidence suggesting that Hope Scale scores augmented the prediction of goal-related activities and coping strategies beyond other self-report measures. Construct validational support is provided in regard to predicted goal-setting behaviors; moreover, the hypothesized goal appraisal processes that accompany the various levels of hope are corroborated. The importance of hope has long been recognized. In Western culture, the concept of hope was first elaborated in the myth of Pandora. As the story goes, Zeus was angry at Prometheus for stealing fire from the gods. With revenge in mind, Zeus sent Pandora to earth with a box full of evil creatures. Zeus told Pandora not to open the box, yet he knew that her curiosity would soon overwhelm her. As predicted, Pandora eventually opened the lid to look inside. When she did, a swarm of creatures flew out to forever plague humankind: gout, rheumatism, and colic for the body; envy, spite, and revenge for the mind. Only one creature remained in the box when Pandora finally managed to close the lid. That creature was hope, which supposedly makes human cares and troubles seem bearable as we journey toward the myriad of goals in a lifetime (Smith, 1983). Although the Pandora myth extols hope, other writings have characterized it as both a blessing and a curse. Tillich (1965) summarized this view by asserting that "hope is easy for the foolish, but hard for the wise. Everybody can lose himself into The present article is based, in part, on dissertations by Cheri Harris and John R. Anderson, as well as on master's theses by Lauren Yoshinobu, Charyle Langelle, and Pat Harney, all under the supervision of C. R. Snyder at the University of Kansas, and on a master's thesis in progress by June Gibb at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign under the supervision of C. R. Snyder.

Prevention interventions that address the broad spectrum of weight-related disorders, enhance skill development for behavioral change, and provide support for dealing with potentially harmful social norms are warranted in light of the high prevalence and co-occurrence of obesity and unhealthy weight-related behaviors.

Authors in the field of eating disorders suggest that increasing preferences for thin body shapes in women may be related to recent increases in the prevalence of eating-related problems. Using a social comparison theory paradigm, this study looked at the impact of exposure to slides of thin, average, and oversize models on the self-evaluations of 162 women exhibiting varying levels of self-reported bulimic symptoms. Contrary to the author's expectations, exposure to thin models was related to lower self-evaluations regardless of level of bulimic symptoms. Women reporting high levels of bulimic symptoms did, however, report a greater amount of pressure to be thin coming from media, peers, and family than did women reporting lower levels of symptoms. Results suggest that media have an impact on women's selfevaluations regardless of their level of bulimic symptoms. Implications are discussed.

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This study examined whether, in comparison to no‐intervention and video‐only intervention control conditions, two distinct media literacy interventions could promote media skepticism and reduce negative body image in a sample of college women (N = 110). It was expected that an externally oriented (i.e., feminist sociocultural) media literacy intervention would have its greatest impact on measures related to media skepticism, while an internally oriented (i.e., cognitive) intervention would have its greatest impact on measures related to negative body image. Contrary to expectations, in comparison to the no‐intervention condition, both media literacy interventions were similar in effectiveness to a video‐only (“Slim Hopes,” Kilbourne, 1995) condition in increasing participants' skepticism about the realism, similarity, and desirability of media that depict a thin ideal of beauty. There were no between‐group differences on negative body image at posttest, suggesting that negative attitudes about one's body may require more extensive, longer‐term interventions.