Due to the financial crisis, an increasing number of households face financial problems. This may lead to an increasing need for monitoring spending and budgets. We demonstrate that both cash and the debit card are perceived as helpful in this respect. We show that, on average, consumers responsible for financial decision making within a household find cash and the debit card equally helpful for monitoring their household finances. Individuals differ in major respects, however. In particular, low earners and the liquidity-constrained prefer cash as a budgeting tool. Finally, we present evidence that at an aggregated level, such preferences strongly affect consumer payment behavior. These findings suggest that the substitution of cash by cards may slow down because of the financial crisis.
Using shopping diary survey data we show that changing payment patterns is a challenging task; even when consumers have fallen in love with the debit card, they find it hard to divorce from cash. While seven out of ten Dutch consumers report to prefer using the debit card, only seven out of twenty actually mostly pay by debit card. The likelihood that reported preferences and actual behaviour do not match increases with income, education and age. Consumers with payments in cash-intensive sectors, where the wide acceptance of the debit card is a relatively recent phenomenon, are more likely to overestimate debit card usage than other consumers. The likelihood of a gap also increases with the amount of cash that consumers carry with them and decreases with the average transaction size. Our findings indicate that persistent habits are an important explanation why the substitution of cash by debit cards took place at a slower pace than was expected.
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AbstractDespite various payment innovations, today, cash is still heavily used to pay for lowvalue purchases. This paper develops a simulation model to test whether standard implications of the theory on cash management and payment choices can explain the use of payment instruments by transaction size. In particular, using diary survey data from Canada, France, Germany and the Netherlands, we test the assumption that cash is still the most efficient payment instrument, and the idea that people hold cash for precautionary reasons when facing uncertainty about their future purchases. The results of the simulations show that these two factors are significant determinants of the high shares of low-value cash payments in Canada, France and Germany. Yet, they are not so crucial in the Netherlands, which exhibits a significant share of low-value card transactions. We discuss how the differences in payment markets across countries may explain the differences in the performance of the model.
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