Grandiose narcissism has been linked to initial popularity but to later unpopularity in peer groups and laboratory contexts. Do these effects on peer relationships also emerge in larger real-life contexts and what are the underlying behavioral processes (i.e., behavioral expressions, interpersonal perceptions)? Using data from the longitudinal CONNECT field study ( N = 126), we investigated effects of agentic and antagonistic aspects of grandiose narcissism on emerging popularity in a complete peer network. A cohort of psychology first-year students was assessed with a quasiexperimental, experience-sampling methodology involving online surveys, diaries, and behavioral observations. In contrast to previous laboratory research, narcissism was unrelated to popularity at the level of zero-order correlations. However, results indicated that (a) an agentic behavioral pathway fostered popularity across time, and an antagonistic behavioral pathway drove the long-term decline in popularity, and (b) the two pathways were differentially related to agentic (admiration) and antagonistic (rivalry) aspects of narcissism.

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Grandiose narcissism is a multidimensional construct consisting of agentic and antagonistic aspects with markedly distinct correlates and consequences. However, this complexity has not been reflected in how grandiose narcissism is measured and investigated in forensic contexts. To provide a more nuanced picture of narcissism in a forensic context, we harnessed the Narcissistic Admiration and Rivalry Concept. More precisely, we investigated the psychometric properties of the Narcissistic Admiration and Rivalry Questionnaire–Short Scale (NARQ-S) in self- and informant reports of 199 male prisoners. Results confirmed the two-dimensional structure, acceptable internal consistency, moderate self-other agreement, and a differentiated nomological network for the NARQ-S. Admiration and rivalry showed distinct associations with criminal history, institutional misbehaviors, and social status in the group of prisoners. Together, the findings provide initial evidence for the validity and utility of self- and informant reports of the NARQ-S in forensic contexts and its contribution to security and treatment recommendations.

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To what extent do individuals differ in understanding how others see them and who is particularly good at it? Answering these questions about the “good meta-perceiver” is relevant given the beneficial outcomes of meta-accuracy. However, there likely is more than one type of the good meta-perceiver: one who knows the specific impressions they make more than others do (dyadic meta-accuracy) and one who knows their reputation more than others do (generalized meta-accuracy). To identify and understand these good meta-perceivers, we introduce the Social Meta-Accuracy Model (SMAM) as a statistical and conceptual framework and apply the SMAM to four samples of first impression interactions. As part of our demonstration, we also investigated the routes to and the correlates of both types of good meta-perceivers. Results from SMAM show that, overall, people were able to detect the unique and general first impressions they made, but there was little evidence for individual differences in dyadic meta-accuracy in a first impression. In contrast, there were substantial individual differences in generalized meta-accuracy, and this ability was largely explained by being transparent (i.e., good meta-perceivers were seen as they saw themselves). We also observed some evidence that good generalized meta-perceivers in a first impression tend to be extraverted and popular. This work demonstrated that the SMAM is a useful tool for identifying and understanding both types of good meta-perceivers and paves the way for future work on individual differences in meta-accuracy in other contexts.