Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Lisa Kiang, NPI-Center for Culture and Health, 760 Westwood Plaza, Box 62, University of California, Los Angeles, CA90024, e-mail: kiang@ucla.edu.Identity and Daily Well-Being 2 AbstractProtective effects of ethnic identity on individuals' daily psychological well-being were examined in a sample of 415 ninth grade adolescents from Mexican and Chinese backgrounds.Utilizing daily diary assessments and multilevel modeling, adolescents with a higher regard for their ethnic group were found to have greater levels of daily happiness and marginally less daily anxiety averaged over the two-week study period. Ethnic regard also moderated the daily association between normative stressful demands and happiness, as well as the association between stressful demands and happiness experienced one day after the original stressors occurred. Moderating effects were found even after controlling for self-esteem. Results point to the positive influence of ethnic identity in adolescents' daily lives. directly and indirectly affecting well-being by providing a buffer against stressful experiences. Ethnic Identity and Psychological Well-BeingTheoretical links between ethnic identity and well-being have long been established and have recently emphasized positive and protective consequences of identifying with and feeling connected to one's ethnic group (Cross, 1991;Cross, Parham, & Helms, 1998;Umana-Taylor, Diversi, & Fine, 2002). From the perspective of social identity theorists (e.g., Tajfel, 1981), ethnic identity can positively influence individuals' lives by providing a foundation from which they can draw when dealing with negative or stressful events. For example, since ethnic minority groups are often deemed inferior to the dominant group, stress associated with such stigma can negatively impact individuals who are in the ethnic minority (Cross & Phagen-Smith, 2001;Kim, 2001). In dealing with these stressors, individuals may react by asserting or strengthening their ethnic or group identity that, in turn, can create a sense of affiliation or support that buffers against threats to psychological well-being (Tajfel & Forgas, 2000;Phinney, 2003). A strong ethnic identity can thus be called upon to help individuals cope with stressful experiences thereby indirectly predicting well-being and adjustment (Phinney, 1990; Sellers, Identity and Daily Well-Being 4 Caldwell, Schmeelk-Cone, & Zimmerman, 2003). Indeed, one of the very functions of ethnic identity may be to serve as a buffer of psychological distress by providing a shield against negative or stressful circumstances (Cross et al., 1998;Mossakowski, 2003).Empirical work has supported these theoretical views by documenting positive associations between ethnic identity and well-being. Contrary to earlier research in which ethnic group status was considered a liability to self-concept and overall well-being (e. individuals' lives by predicting, for example, how happy or anxious they feel on a day-to-day level? Invest...

Establishing a sense of life meaning is a primary facet of well-being, yet is understudied in adolescent development. Using data from 579 adolescents (53% female) from Latin American, Asian, and European backgrounds, demographic differences in meaning in life, links with psychological and academic adjustment, and the role of meaning in explaining associations between ethnic identity and adjustment were examined. Although no generational or gender differences were found, Asian Americans reported higher search for meaning than Latin and European Americans. Presence of meaning was positively associated with self-esteem, academic adjustment, daily well-being, and ethnic belonging and exploration, whereas search for meaning was related to lower self-esteem and less stability in daily well-being. Presence of meaning mediated associations between ethnic identity and adjustment, explaining 28–52% of ethnic identity’s protective effect on development. Ethnic identity thus appears to affect adjustment, in part, through its role in fostering a positive sense of meaning in adolescents’ lives.

This study examined associations between parents' emotion coaching and emotional expressiveness, and adolescents' internalizing and externalizing symptoms. The sample included 131 16-year-olds and their mothers and fathers. Adolescents completed an open-ended interview about their parents' emotion coaching. Adolescents rated parents' negative emotional expressiveness, and parents and adolescents reported on adolescents' adjustment. Results indicated that mothers were more accepting and supportive of their children's expression of negative emotions than were fathers. Parents' coaching of emotions was associated with fewer adolescents' internalizing symptoms and was unrelated to their externalizing symptoms. Parents' negative emotional expressiveness was positively linked to adolescents' internalizing and externalizing symptoms. Parents' emotion coaching and negative emotional expressiveness explained unique variance in adolescents' internalizing symptoms. Resultshighlight the importance of the family's emotional climate for adolescents' well-being.

The current paper presents a lifespan model of ethnic-racial identity (ERI) from infancy into adulthood. We conceptualize that ethnic-racial priming during infancy prompts nascent awareness of ethnicity/race that becomes differentiated across childhood and through adulthood. We propose that the components of ERI that have been tested to date fall within five dimensions across the lifespan: ethnic-racial awareness, affiliation, attitudes, behaviors, and knowledge. Further, ERI evolves in a bidirectional process informed by an interplay of influencers (i.e., contextual, individual, and developmental factors, as well as meaning-making and identity-relevant experiences). It is our goal that the lifespan model of ERI will provide important future direction to theory, research, and interventions. Ethnic-racial identity (ERI) encompasses the process and content that defines an individual's sense of self related to ethnic heritage and racial background. It includes labels individuals use to define themselves according to ethnicity/race; awareness, beliefs, attitudes, and knowledge they have about their ethnic-racial background; enactment of their identity; and processes by which each of these dimensions evolve (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014). ERI is recognized as an important developmental competency (Williams et al., 2012) that can promote positive adjustment in the face of risk or adversity (Neblett et al., 2012). Scholars emphasize that ERI development is dynamic and evolves throughout the lifespan (Syed et al., 2007). However, most conceptual models of ERI have focused independently on distinct developmental periods, such as childhood (e.g., Bernal et al., 1990) or adolescence (see Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014 for review), without an explicit lifespan perspective. This relatively piecemeal approach makes it difficult to chart continuity across developmental periods when identity components are defined specific to a single developmental period, with little effort tracing either the origin or maturation of components beyond a single developmental period. The resulting scholarship gives the impression of disjointed development of ethnic-racial identity. To piece together disparate scholarship in the field's conceptual understanding of ERI, [Adriana Umaña-Taylor and Esther Calzada] assembled a work group funded by the National Science Foundation. The goal of our work group was to develop an integrated model of ERI development that would describe when components of ERI first emerge, how they unfold from one developmental period to another, which components have 2 WILLIAMS ET AL.

According to the theory of stereotype threat (C. M. Steele, 1997;C. M. Steele & J. Aronson, 1995), activating stereotypes about a group's typical underperformance on a task can undermine a group member's performance on that task. The goal of the present research was to more fully delineate the contexts that activate task-performance stereotypes and the mechanisms that might lead to, or potentially prevent, such performance decrements. In 2 experiments, individuals led to believe that they had high ability on a task predicted that they would do better on future performances of the same or similar tasks than did those given ambiguous feedback about their task abilities when stereotypes were not accessible. However, activating group stereotypes-for instance, by creating expected solo status-undermined these positive expectations.

Familism, a Latino value that promotes loyalty, cohesiveness, and obedience within the family, predicts improved outcomes for Latino adolescents. However, few studies have tested whether familism serves a protective role when adolescents are facing stress. We examined whether familism predicted psychosocial outcomes in the context of stress, and whether familism moderated the relationship between peer discrimination, acculturative stress, and economic stress predicting these outcomes in a sample of 173 Latino adolescents. Familism was associated with fewer depressive symptoms and greater school attachment, but it did not moderate the relationship between any of the stressors and outcomes. Discrimination was associated with greater depressive symptoms, worse school attachment, and greater perceived barriers to college, but socioeconomic stress and acculturation stress did not uniquely predict these outcomes once taking into account discrimination. Thus, although familial culture values lead to improved outcomes in youth, they are unable to counter the detrimental effects of discrimination.

The diversity of circumstances and developmental outcomes among Asian American children and youth poses a challenge for scholars interested in Asian American child development. This article addresses the challenge by offering an integrated conceptual framework based on three broad questions: (a) What are theory-predicated specifications of contexts that are pertinent for the development of Asian American children? (b) What are the domains of development and socialization that are particularly relevant? (c) How can culture as meaning-making processes be integrated in conceptualizations of development? The heuristic value of the conceptual model is illustrated by research on Asian American children and youth that examines the interconnected nature of specific features of context, pertinent aspects of development, and interpretive processes.

Objective-To examine the association between the experience of daily interpersonal stress and levels of C-reactive protein (CRP), an inflammatory marker that is a key indicator of cardiovascular risk, during the teenage years.Methods-A total of 69 adolescents (M age = 17.78 years) completed daily diary checklists each night for 14 days in which they reported their experience of negative interpersonal interactions in the domains of family, peers, and school (e.g., conflict with family and friends, peer harassment, punishment by parents and teachers). Blood samples were obtained an average of 8.63 months later and assayed for circulating levels of CRP, using enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay. Measures of body mass index (BMI), socioeconomic status (SES), substance use, stressful life events, rejection sensitivity, and psychological distress were obtained.Results-A greater frequency of daily interpersonal stress was associated with higher levels of CRP, even after controlling for BMI, SES, substance use, life events, rejection sensitivity, psychological distress, and frequency of daily interpersonal stress 2 years earlier.Conclusions-Experiencing a high frequency of interpersonal stressors that are typical of adolescent life is associated with higher levels of inflammation even among a normative, healthy sample of adolescents. Additional work should focus on other daily experiences during the adolescent period and their implications for elevated risk for later cardiovascular disease.