People are generally overconfident in their self-assessments and this overconfidence effect is greatest for people of poorer abilities. For example, poor students predict that they will perform much better on exams than they do. One explanation for this result is that poor performers in general are doubly cursed: They lack knowledge of the material, and they lack awareness of the knowledge that they do and do not possess. The current studies examined whether poor performers in the classroom are truly unaware of their deficits by examining the relationship between students' exam predictions and their confidence in these predictions. Relative to high-performing students, the poorer students showed a greater overconfidence effect (i.e., their predictions were greater than their performance), but they also reported lower confidence in these predictions. Together, these results suggest that poor students are indeed unskilled but that they may have some awareness of their lack of metacognitive knowledge.

In two semester-long studies, we examined whether college students could improve their ability to accurately predict their own exam performance across multiple exams. We tested whether providing concrete feedback and incentives (i.e., extra credit) for accuracy would improve predictions by improving students' metacognition, or awareness of their own knowledge. Students' predictions were almost always higher than the grade they earned and this was particularly true for low-performing students. Experiment 1 demonstrated that providing incentives but minimal feedback failed to show improvement in students' metacognition or performance. However, Experiment 2 showed that when feedback was made more concrete, metacognition improved for low performing students although exam scores did not improve across exams, suggesting that feedback and incentives influenced metacognitive monitoring but not control.In an ideal world each one of us, when asked about the quality or efficiency with which we can accomplish goals, could provide a correct answer. As it is though, no one is immune to flawed self-assessment; doctors, nurses, business managers, and other trusted professionals routinely commit errors of self-assessment, which is one aspect of metacognition (Dunning et al. 2004). Metacognition refers to a person's "knowledge and cognition about cognitive phenomena" (Flavell 1979, p. 906). Three aspects of metacognition that have been researched extensively are metacognitive knowledge, metacognitive monitoring, and metacognitive control. In this paper, we focus on metacognitive monitoring, which is an individual's ability to assess the state of their cognitive activity, and metacognitive control, which is an individual's ability to regulate cognitive activity (Dunlosky & Metcalfe 2009). To illustrate these two aspects of metacognition, consider the following example: A student is studying for an anatomy exam and she asks herself how well she remembers the bones of the hand. When she answers this question about the current state of her learning, she has Metacognition Learning (2011) 6:303-314

People often continue to rely on erroneous information about people and events, even in the face of subsequent counter information. The current study examined whether this information could be effectively corrected by a credible source. We examined two aspects of credibility: trustworthiness and expertise. Experiment 1 showed that receiving a correction from a source high in trustworthiness and expertise reduced participants' use of original information when making inferences. Experiment 2 showed that source expertise alone was not sufficient to reduce participants' reliance on the original information. The results from Experiment 3 showed that source trustworthiness alone significantly decreased participants' use of the original information when making inferences. The results suggest that people may be able to reduce their use of original information if they receive a correction from a person who is deemed to be highly trustworthy. These findings have implications for decision making in politics and other applied areas.

Research shows that Remember and Know judgments are effective measures of recollective experience. This article shows that Know responses can be selectively affected by fluency of processing that is created using a conceptual manipulation. In a recognition test, studied and nonstudied words were preceded by semantically related or unrelated primes. Participants gave significantly more Know judgments to items with related primes than unrelated primes but Remember responses were unaffected. Know responses are discussed in terms of familiarity assumed to arise from fluency of processing which, in turn, may be created through various sources including conceptual processes.

Older adults' susceptibility to misinformation in an eyewitness memory paradigm was examined in two experiments. Experiment 1 showed that older adults are more susceptible to interfering misinformation than are younger adults on two different tests (old-new recognition and source monitoring). Experiment 2 examined the extent to which processes associated with frontal lobe functioning underlie older adults' source-monitoring difficulties. Older adults with lower frontal-lobe-functioning scores on neuropsychological tests were particularly susceptible to false memories in the misinformation paradigm. The authors' results agree with data from other false memory paradigms that show greater false recollections in older adults, especially in those who scored poorly on frontal tests. The results support a source-monitoring account of aging and illusory recollection.

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This study shows how scores on these three popular measures of cognitive dysfunction correspond to each other, which is very useful information for both researchers and clinicians.