This prospective longitudinal study examined the contribution of dimensions of maternal responsiveness (descriptions, play, imitations) to the timing of five milestones in children's (N = 40) early expressive language: first imitations, first words, 50 words in expressive language, combinatorial speech, and the use of language to talk about the past. Events-History Analysis, a statistical technique that estimates the extent to which predictors influence the timing of events, was used. At 9 and 13 months, maternal responsiveness and children's activities (e.g., vocalizations, play) were coded from videotaped interactions of mother-child free play; information about children's language acquisition was obtained through biweekly interviews with mothers from 9 through 21 months. Maternal responsiveness at both ages predicted the timing of children's achieving language milestones over and above children's observed behaviors. Responsiveness at 13 months was a stronger predictor of the timing of language milestones than was responsiveness at 9 months, and certain dimensions of responsiveness were more predictive than others. The multidimensional nature of maternal responsiveness and specificity in mother-child language relations are discussed.
In two longitudinal studies, relations between dimensions of maternal responsiveness at 13 months and children's language and play abilities at 13 and at 20 months were examined. We characterized mothers' responsive exchanges by assessing the targets of maternal responses (i.e. what child activities mothers respond to) and the verbal contents of maternal responses (i.e. what mothers said when they responded), and we asked whether subtypes of responsiveness would relate differentially to children's language and play abilities. In general, maternal responsiveness to children's vocalizations predicted children's language, and maternal responses to children's play predicted children's play. These findings suggest that maternal responsiveness can be profitably categorized into subtypes that relate to domains of child outcomes in specialized ways. The specific nature of mother–child associations in the domains of early language and play is discussed. © 1996 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
In a longitudinal investigation of 40 child–mother dyads, we examined prediction from three indexes of children's own language: (1) vocal imitations, (2) first spontaneous words in production, and (3) receptive language starting at 0;9, and their mothers' verbal responsiveness at 0;9 and 1;1, to the developmental onset of three significant language milestones of the second year: (1) 50 words in productive language, (2) combinatorial speech, and (3) the use of language to express a memory. In these analyses, we utilized EVENTS HISTORY ANALYSIS, a statistical technique well suited to questions concerning when in development certain events begin and the extent to which predictors influence the timing of those events. The timing of children's first words in production, the timing of their achievement of 50 words in receptive language, and maternal responsiveness at 1;1 each contributed uniquely to variation in the timing of the three language milestones. When child and mother factors were considered together, the onset of the three language milestones differed by as much as 0;5 months for children in the lower and upper 10th percentiles of the predictor variables. The present findings contribute to generating and testing specific models about child and mother factors thought to explain variation in key aspects of children's second-year language development.
The language of mothers, fathers, and children was examined in 50 low-income families. Mother-child and father-child dyads were videotaped separately during play when children were 2;0 years old. Language transcriptions were coded for communicative diversity, word types, and grammatical complexity in parents and children. Motherchild and father-child conversations were similar and were strongly correlated at the dyad level, although differences emerged in the repetitions of children's utterances, closed-ended questions, affirmations, and action directives. Mothers' and fathers' language related to children's language in specific ways. Individual children experience relatively enriched or impoverished language environments, rather than one parent "compensating" for the other. This may explain why some low-income children lag in their language development early on, whereas others are "on track."
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