Like the rest of the world, African countries are reeling from the health, economic and social effects of COVID-19. The continent’s governments have responded by imposing rigorous lockdowns to limit the spread of the virus. The various lockdown measures are undermining food security, because stay at home orders have among others, threatened food production for a continent that relies heavily on agriculture as the bedrock of the economy. This article draws on quantitative data collected by the GeoPoll, and, from these data, assesses the effect of concern about the local spread and economic impact of COVID-19 on food worries. Qualitative data comprising 12 countries south of the Sahara reveal that lockdowns have created anxiety over food security as a health, economic and human rights/well-being issue. By applying a probit model, we find that concern about the local spread of COVID-19 and economic impact of the virus increases the probability of food worries. Governments have responded with various efforts to support the neediest. By evaluating the various policies rolled out we advocate for a feminist economics approach that necessitates greater use of data analytics to predict the likely impacts of intended regulatory relief responses during the recovery process and post-COVID-19.
Global climate issues and a looming energy crisis put agriculture under pressure in Sub-Saharan Africa. Climate adaptation measures must entail sustainable development benefits, and growing crops for food as well as energy may be a solution, removing people from hunger and poverty without compromising the environment. The present study investigated the feasibility of using non-food parts of cassava for energy production and the promising results revealed that at least 28% of peels and stems comprise dry matter, and 10 g feedstock yields [8.5 g sugar, which in turn produced [60% ethanol, with pH & 2.85, 74-84% light transmittance and a conductivity of 368 mV, indicating a potential use of cassava feedstock for ethanol production. Thus, harnessing cassava for food as well as ethanol production is deemed feasible. Such a system would, however, require supportive policies to acquire a balance between food security and fuel.
Cassava roots contain cyanogenic glucosides. Malawian farmers classify cultivars into two groups based on the perceived danger of eating raw roots that they associate with bitterness. In the vernacular, cultivars that produce roots with bitter taste are called vyakubaba (bitter), whereas those yielding non-bitter roots are called vyakuzizra (cool). In the scientific literature they are distinguished as 'bitter' or 'sweet'. Roots from 'bitter' cultivars are processed prior to consumption. We studied the ability of farmers to predict the cyanogenic glucoside levels of 492 roots from the 10 most commonly grown cultivars. Twenty-eight farmers predicted the taste of each of the cultivars that they grew, and scored bitterness on a five-point scale by tasting the root tip. Thereafter cyanogenic glucosides were determined on half of the root, while a taste panel scored the taste of the other half. The mean cyanogenic glucoside level in 132 roots from 'cool' cultivars was 29 mg HCN eq kg −1 fresh weight (CI 25-33, range 1-123) and in 360 roots from 'bitter' cultivars was 153 mg HCN eq kg −1 fresh weight (CI 143-163, range 22-661). Farmers' distinction of 'cool' and 'bitter' cultivars predicts glucoside levels. The tasting of the tip of the root improved the farmers' prediction of toxicity. Scoring of bitterness by a trained taste panel showed a stronger correlation with glucoside levels (r 2 = 0.67). This suggests that cyanogenic glucosides confer the bitter taste, notwithstanding the probability of additional modifying intrinsic factors.
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