In this response, the members of a professional development graduate seminar at the University of Kentucky reflect on key implications and questions which arose from our reading of the Kitchin et al. (2013) paper. We found the paper very relevant to our situation as potential entrants to the academic labor market, and to practices of knowledge production and dissemination that we already face. We highlight the following three inter-related points: (1) The IrelandAfterNAMA (IAN) blog can be placed into a wider context of new (spatial) media developments; (2) the conception of “public geography” implied here is too narrow, focusing not on public participation, but on public reception of content, viewpoints and data. Thus we ask “which publics are being invoked?”; (3) the production and consumption of knowledge. We ask “whose geography?” We do not offer final answers to these questions, but rather pose them as an invitation to further dialogue.
This article draws from the experience of co-author Javier Ramírezwho was detained as a political prisoner for opposition to a large-scale mining project that would displace his community in northern Ecuador. Examining the trajectory of the 20-year mining conflict from the neoliberal era to the present, we argue that there has been a marked shift in the Ecuadorian state's approach to facilitating extractive development, which more directly puts the state's resources in the service of extractive capital through policing and securitization of rural zones and the penalization or criminalization of territorial defense. We outline how “criminalization of protest” actually reflects spatial strategies of securitization and policing to enforce mining rights. The incarceration of Ramírez and deployment of police to secure subsurface rights were strategically timed in a manner to facilitate key administrative and technical requirements for mining permits, making possible the apparently banal but crucial work of consultation and environmental impact studies. We consider the uneven unfolding and spatial differentiation of “resource security” by examining how the state structures and deploys the security apparatus for nature-based commodity investments. We also examine the decreasing public value of mining through the progressive reduction and elimination of taxes, despite continued public investment and military and police support to mining companies. Finally, we contrast state and mining company representatives’ efforts to responsibilize the public for demand for commodities with territorial defense strategies which aim to revalue land outside of economistic frameworks.
Four spectroscopic data-activity relationship (SDAR) models for polychlorinated dibenzofurans (PCDFs) and dibenzodioxins (PCDDs) binding to the aryl hydrocarbon receptor (AhR) have been developed based on simulated 13C nuclear magnetic resonance (NMR) data. Models were developed using discriminant function analysis of the compounds' spectral data. An SDAR model with two classifications for 26 PCDF compounds had a leave-one-out (LOO) cross-validation accuracy of 89%. A two-classification SDAR model for 14 PCDD compounds had LOO cross-validation accuracy of 95%. A two-classification SDAR model combining 14 PCDD and 26 PCDF compounds had LOO cross-validation accuracy of 88%, while a four-classification SDAR model based on the same 14 PCDD and 26 PCDF compounds had LOO cross-validation accuracy of 92%. We used each appropriate SDAR model to classify 41 PCDD and/or 121 PCDF compounds with unknown binding affinities to the AhR. The SDAR models provide a rapid, simple, and valid way to model the PCDF and PCDD binding activity in relation to the AhR.
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