Two studies used the self-concordance model of healthy goal striving (K. M. Sheldon & A. J. Elliot, 1999) to examine the motivational processes by which people can increase their level of well-being during a period of time and then maintain the gain or perhaps increase it even further during the next period of time. In Study 1, entering freshmen with self-concordant motivation better attained their 1st-semester goals, which in turn predicted increased adjustment and greater self-concordance for the next semester's goals. Increased self-concordance in turn predicted even better goal attainment during the 2nd semester, which led to further increases in adjustment and to higher levels of ego development by the end of the year. Study 2 replicated the basic model in a 2-week study of short-term goals set in the laboratory. Limits of the model and implications for the question of how (and whether) happiness may be increased are discussed.

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We attempted to test Rogers' concept of the organismic valuing process (OVP) by assessing changes in peoples' goal choices over time. When changes occur, are they more or less random, or do people tend to move towards goals that are more likely to be beneficial, both for themselves and others? "Beneficial" goals were defined as goals typically associated with subjective well-being (SWB) and with prosocial behavior--specifically, we focused on the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic goal contents. In three studies, participants tended to move towards intrinsic goals and/or away from extrinsic goals over periods ranging from 20 minutes to 6 weeks. These changes were not reducible to social desirability nor to the differing motives underlying differing goal contents, did not vary for persons of different value-types, and had not changed when participants were retested a third time. We conclude that people may have a positive bias toward changing their minds in directions most likely to be SWB enhancing.

Why do some people persist in goal pursuit, even in the face of boredom or setbacks, whereas others quickly give up their goals? In this research, the authors introduce a new motivational construct, the "self-as-doer," to explore this question. Studies 1 and 2 found longitudinal evidence that those who more strongly endorse doer statements regarding their goals (i.e., exerciser, dieter, runner) show greater behavioral persistence and attainment regarding such goals, even controlling for other relevant constructs such as expectancy, self-concordance, commitment, and neuroticism. Study 3 used priming to make the self-as-doer momentarily accessible, finding an interaction such that those who read The Little Engine That Could (vs. Curious George) and wrote an essay applying the story's message to themselves (vs. others) showed the greatest persistence in physically demanding tasks. Implications for sustained motivation of all kinds are discussed.

We assessed implicit orientations towards power versus intimacy using the Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) and the Implicit Associations Test (IAT). In addition, we assessed explicit orientations using self‐report measures of dominance versus nurturance motives and extrinsic versus intrinsic values. Further, we assessed the rated self‐concordance and importance of power versus intimacy idiographic goals. The six measures formed four factors: motives/values, goals, IAT and TAT. We also assessed a variety of outcomes ranging from well‐being to choice in a social dilemma. All six predictors correlated with at least some outcomes, with the values measure being strongest predictor of the predominantly self‐report outcomes. We suggest that there is value in simultaneously considering old school and new school approaches to assessing implicit motives. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.