Over its 12 years in power, Bolivia's MAS government has made significant advances in expanding inclusion and reducing poverty. In the process, it has steadily been transformed into a hegemonic force that is increasingly dependent on expedient and pragmatically based compromises with economic elites. Concurrently, social movement influence and participation in the government have steadily declined. After 2009, when an uprising by Eastern elites had been quashed and MAS gained a congressional majority, the MAS missed an opening to advance its original project of structural change, opting instead for a more expedient strategy that has kept it in power at the cost of accommodating elites and debilitating social movements. Durante sus 12 años en el poder, el gobierno MAS de Bolivia ha logrado avances significativos en expandir la inclusión y reducir la pobreza. En el proceso, se ha transformado continuamente en una fuerza hegemónica que depende cada vez más de compromisos oportunos y basados en pragmatismo con las élites económicas. Al mismo tiempo, la influencia y la participación en el gobierno de los movimientos sociales ha disminuido continuamente. Después de 2009, cuando un levantamiento de las élites del Este se suprimió y el MAS ganó una mayoría en el Congreso, el MAS perdió una oportunidad para avanzar en su proyecto original de cambio estructural, optando por una estrategia más conveniente que lo mantuvo en el poder a costa de acomodar a las élites y debilitar los movimientos sociales.
When international development policy prioritises goals determined by the donor's domestic policy concerns, aid agencies not only fail in their development objectives but can also generate conflict in the recipient country. In the Bolivian Chapare, where the United States is driven by the need to demonstrate success in controlling cocaine production, policies to eradicate coca leaf have led to programmes with limited development impact that increase conflict both locally and nationally. In contrast, the European Union's successful collaboration with local governments which began in 1998 provides insights into generating sustainable development and de‐escalating conflict in drug‐producing regions worldwide.
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