Third order women religious actively participated in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Italian society. Scholars have argued that the introduction of monastic enclosure for all women religious after the Council of Trent crushed non-enclosed forms of female monasticism in Italy and Europe. The study of third orders reveals, however, that non-enclosed monastic communities survived the Tridentine reforms and met specific social needs in the early modern society. Third order women religious provided education, care, and companionship to women of all ages and socioeconomic ranks. They thus filled a gap left by other monastic and custodial institutions. Ecclesiastical and secular authorities as well as neighbors considered women’s third orders an asset to local communities. Drawing on examples from Bergamo and Bologna, this article examines the social activities of tertiary women and shows activity to be a useful category of analysis for recovering the place of women religious in early modern society.
importance of the province for Yugoslavs as place of settlement. The author manages to connect concrete utterances about Yugoslavs with larger discursive frames and political agendas; one learns, for example, about alliances between representatives of the expelled Volksdeutsche from Czechoslovakia, the Catholic Church and fascist, or at least ultra-nationalist, Croatian refugees in the late 1940s. Rampant anti-communism provided an opportunity for these immigrants if they employed Cold War tropes skilfully. Yet, German attitudes changed. One of the most important drivers was the transformation of memory culture, especially the growing awareness of German responsibility for Nazi crimes. This reduced sympathy for former collaborators such as the Croatian fascists. Willy Brandt's New Ostpolitik meant another momentous change in the framework that guided perceptions and policies towards Yugoslav migrants.When the Bosnian refugees arrived, the historical moment had changed again: after reunification, nationalism was rampant in Germany. Interestingly, refugees from Bosnia, most of them Muslims, were not 'othered' in cultural terms. Still, most of them were forced to leave -or pushed to 'voluntarily' return. Molnar gives an interesting explanation -apart from the fact that at that time Germany's asylum law became much more restrictive -policy-makers and the media urged refugees to rebuild their war-torn country in the same manner, they said, as Germans had rebuilt their country after 1945. Again, a change in collective memory translated into new perceptions of immigrants, and in policy action.On the other hand, this book is a powerful reminder that perceptions of the majority society have real-life consequences for the migrants. Right-wing Croatians first benefitted from extreme anti-communism, then suffered from Germans' newly found consciousness of guilt. Asylum-seekers in the 1960s fell victim to the new understanding of Yugoslavia as a relatively liberal communist country. The authorities branded them as 'economic refugees'. In the 1990s, the refugees from Bosnia, though enjoying general sympathy, were seen as another drop making the 'boat full' -the powerful metaphor used by anti-immigrant voices ever since. This is an excellent book, informative, rich in insights, and well written. It should be read by migration scholars as well as those interested in post-war Germany and in the emigration history of Yugoslavia. Migration matters -because majority societies turn it into a problem, and because policy-makers continually divide immigrants into the wanted and the unwanted.
Eighteenth-century convents are little studied, and women's third order houses even less so, despite the growing numbers of the latter. Through a case-study, this article explores the origins and functions of one eighteenth-century third order house in an Italian urban community. Relying on the rich meeting minutes of Santa Maria Egiziaca in Bologna, the article analyses the everyday realities and the changing perceptions of women's religious institutions among the urban elites connected to the house. Santa Maria Egiziaca emerges as neither only a convent nor a shelter, the two institutional types recognized in current scholarship, but rather as both. The diverse goals of the house's administrators and benefactors suggest why third order houses thrived in the eighteenth century when more traditional convents came under increasing criticism and declined.
image of the Resistance' (83), whereas Tillion's ethnographic training allowed her to highlight its 'unifying character. . . in which former social and ideological divisions might be transcended' (85). Stephanie Hare's 2003 interviews with former Paris police prefect Maurice Papon form the basis for an investigation into the complexities of oral history and the 'behavioral codes and mentalities of the French civil service' that shaped his defence of his wartime activities as a 'duty to obey'. His defence, she concludes, was a combination of 'self-justification and ''business as usual'' for the state', revealing the shared responsibility of Papon and state bureaucrats (100).The third section, 'Toeing the Party Line', considers how party membership affected a variety of writers, intellectuals and artists. Angela Kershaw considers the struggles of the re´sistant and writer Edith Thomas to reconcile her commitments to the French Communist Party with its constraints on her activities. Jean-Baptiste Bruneau asks why contemporaries found the political beliefs of the rightwing writer Drieu La Rochelle so hard to pin down, revealing that the 'problems in understanding and recognizing fascism derived from a serious inability to grasp its impact on French politics' (122). Finally, the art historian Sarah Wilson examines how communist party membership affected the political and representational strategies of several painters engaged in anticolonial struggles on the eve of the Algerian War.This collection offers stimulating insights into mid-twentieth century political life, reminding us of the embodied aspects -physical, verbal, and visual -of political engagement as well as the persistent tensions between individual and collective action that typified the period between 1930 and 1950. More important, the contributions illustrate how the political polarization that preceded and followed the Second World War compelled many people to commit to a party or cause, even when this resulted in disrupted family life and professional life or class and ethnic identities, producing the competing memories of the period that persist today.
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