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Original citation: Haddon, Leslie (2006) The contribution of domestication research to in-home computing and media consumption.

A flexible definition of teleworking suggests it is more widespread than is generally believed. However, is telework technologically driven? This is tested with data from six countries. As the categories of the definition have distinctive social characteristics, telework seems to reflect traditional occupational practices rather than a major technological shift.

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Working with Roger for many years in various projects, some of which are described below, was always very stimulating. Apart from being a very sympathetic collaborator and indeed mentor, he was very sharp and could quickly develop ideas about how to proceed in any situation while at the same time being open to negotiation. His friendship, his personal touch and his intellectual contributions will be missed.This contribution to New Media & Society outlines one of Roger's many valuable legacies -the concept of domestication -describing its origin, Roger's projects relating to the concept and the subsequent development of this approach.Domestication had its origins in a number of traditions and interests. If we start with media studies, by the end of the 1980s there had been a longstanding interest in media audiences, but the dominance of semiotic approaches meant that there was a limited amount of empirical research on actual viewer or listener experiences. One of the early exceptions was Hobson (1980) looking at the role and meaning of television in the lives of housewives, and a few years later Bausinger (1984) had argued for studying ensembles of media and media consumption in the home as a collective process. Dave Morley, a later collaborator with Roger in the PICT (Programme on Information and Communication Technologies) funded project that helped develop the domestication concept, had started to examine how viewing was managed in households, with an emphasis on the gender dimension (1986). By the late 1980s there was a collection of international studies on how families watched television (Lull, 1988), a discussion of general findings from this ethnographic work (Lull, 1990) as well as a study of people's memories of early radio (Moores, 1988).

Children’s online experience, especially the risks to which they might be exposed, is an increasingly important policy and research concern. This article reports an analysis of the amount, nature and range of empirical research concerning children’s online experiences across 18 European countries. Research teams in each country have collaborated, as part of the ‘EU Kids Online’ network, to identify, code and compare studies. In all, 235 studies were identified and coded in a publicly accessible data repository. All countries had some available evidence regarding children’s online risky experiences, with strengths mainly in relation to research into access and use; several countries were found to have a richer evidence base encompassing research into online learning, literacy, participation, parental mediation and so forth. Regarding risks, more research focused on potentially harmful content than on risky forms of contact. Key research gaps included research on younger children, into mobile online platforms, and into certain types of online risk. The article concludes by observing the challenges facing researchers in this field, including the time‐sensitivity of research that quickly dates, the difficulty of tailoring research to meet the needs of a demanding policy agenda, the complexity of designing projects that recognise the contextual and contingent factors that mediate children’s online activities, and the ethical considerations that apply when asking children about private, transgressive or upsetting experiences.

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