Little has been written on the form that coalitions take in social movements. Three months of üeldwork by a üve-person team documented the population of social movement events (SMEs) across seven movements in a Southwestern city. We investigated the process and form that led to these events at the interorganizational level. Three different coalition forms, as well as single social movement organizations (SMOs) acting alone, organized the SMEs. The ''network invocation'' form-a single SMO making strategic and framing decisions while encouraging other SMOs in its network to mobilize participants-was signiücantly more eþective than other forms at mobilizing attendance at events.In the conclusion to their chapter on social movements in the

The study illustrates the potential of the`doing gender' perspective to explain why employment does not always improve women's household-power. Eighteen in-depth interviews with women maquiladora workers in Mexico suggest that, depending on the gendered meanings of household negotiations, employment may help women gain new rights and extend the limits of respect accorded them by male companions and parents. Nevertheless, women were more successful when they used negotiating strategies that conformed to their gender identity, such as making offers, than when they used negotiating strategies that challenged traditional gender norms, such as withdrawing services or making threats.

This study explains why the power of neoliberal business over the Mexican state increased during the last three decades of the twentieth century.

This article uses the Venezuelan case to shed light on the potential role of interest‐group systems in discrediting liberal democracies and to identify challenges that the region's democracies are likely to confront in constructing effective and fair interest‐group systems. It first analyzes the role Venezuela's interest groups played in discrediting its 40‐year two‐party democracy. It argues that the discrediting of a system heralded by many as the region's ‘model democracy’ cannot be understood by merely assessing how the structure of the group system excluded certain groups. The study shows that the inclusion of certain business interests in visible positions of power also helped discredit the two‐party democracy. The article then compares the above system with the new group system which has emerged since 1998 as part of a new democratic system inspired by Latin America's 19th century Liberator, Simón Bolívar. This comparison reveals that the current system inverts the former system of inclusion and exclusion, even as it has retained a number of the old system's less virtuous features. The implications of the Venezuelan case for the region's democracies are elaborated in the conclusion. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

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