Purpose The purpose of this paper is to study how subjective and objective knowledge of finance, behaviour in managing personal finances and socio-economic status affect financial well-being. Design/methodology/approach The financial well-being score is constructed in quantitative financial literacy survey data from Estonia as the arithmetic mean of four statements on a five-point scale. Four hypotheses are tested in multiple regression analysis. Findings Subjective knowledge has a stronger relation with financial well-being than objective knowledge. Financial behaviour score and income level correlate with financial well-being. Research limitations/implications The paper contributes to literature on financial literacy, subjective financial knowledge and financial well-being. In future research, psychological factors and future orientated financial well-being should be included, and their relationship to subjective well-being could be analysed further. Practical implications The results highlight the importance of subjective knowledge and sound behaviour for improving financial well-being. Providers of financial services should address these more in the design of their services and communication. Social implications Policymakers developing national strategies for financial education need to address subjective financial knowledge for increasing financial well-being in society. Originality/value Knowledge, behaviour and subjective knowledge have not been used simultaneously in the analysis of financial well-being in Europe before.

Economic inequality is associated with preferences for smaller, immediate gains over larger, delayed ones. Such temporal discounting may feed into rising global inequality, yet it is unclear whether it is a function of choice preferences or norms, or rather the absence of sufficient resources for immediate needs. It is also not clear whether these reflect true differences in choice patterns between income groups. We tested temporal discounting and five intertemporal choice anomalies using local currencies and value standards in 61 countries (N = 13,629). Across a diverse sample, we found consistent, robust rates of choice anomalies. Lower-income groups were not significantly different, but economic inequality and broader financial circumstances were clearly correlated with population choice patterns.

Financial literacy has been recognised as a vital life skill, but there is little evidence of the factors behind the differences in managing personal finance. Socio‐economic factors and the provision of financial education do explain the variance in financial literacy in some countries, but not in all. In the PISA 2012 financial literacy test, Estonian students ranked very highly in international comparison; although only a few had received financial education at school. Compared with other countries, socio‐economic factors explained the smallest proportion of variance in the test score. There was, however, a significant difference between the mean financial literacy scores of Estonian‐ and Russian‐language communities. The aim of the article is to analyse the factors behind the differences in financial literacy when financial education is not provided. It also offers insight into how students in a similar education system in two different cultural and language frameworks achieve different financial literacy scores. Moreover, the results demonstrate how indicators, such as family background can work through different channels as opposed to the usual parental education or occupation based socio‐economic indicators. The latter implies that unexplained factors remain, such as cultural, developmental and societal indicators, which most researchers pay little attention to when explaining efficient policies for improving financial literacy. Multivariate regression models show that the level of financial literacy in Estonia is correlated with gender, language of the school, the number of books at home, mathematics and reading scores. The Blinder–Oaxaca decomposition explains less than half of the gap between the two communities. The only variable significantly explaining the gap is the number of books at home. Books can be interpreted as a symbol of social status, evidence of cultural background or source of influence for broader picture and better problem solving skills.

Financial well-being – the evaluation of current personal finances and expectations for the financial future – has gained attention in research, practice, and policy. Yet, there is no consensus on its conceptualisation nor its operationalisation. We contribute to this by proposing its conceptual framework and reassessing a measure in data for subjective financial well-being from 16 countries. Our findings highlight methodological concerns in international marketing studies and show not only financial well-being but also its measures to be context dependent. Furthermore, many studies use unidimensional financial well-being measures while some conceptualisations show it to have at least two components, current and future element. We analyse the effects of individual and contextual factors on current and future financial well-being, and explore their possible interaction. We observe income to be a significant predictor of both components of financial well-being, while institutional settings are correlated with current and national culture with future financial well-being. We conclude that initiatives aimed at increasing financial well-being need to clearly target either its current or future component as their antecedents differ.