This article proposes a definition of alternative news media and suggests routes for further research. It complements and extends previous conceptualizations in research on alternative media and outlines an umbrella definition of this phenomenon aimed to inspire contemporary research and scholarly debate. Previous research has been guided by a 'progressive' perspective as a form of resistance against 'bourgeois' hegemonic discourse. Such normative evaluations have in turn limited how the phenomenon has been studied empirically, by limiting the scope of research so that important contemporary phenomena fall outside the theoretical map. Conceptualizing alternative news media in the present hybrid and polarized media environment, we first propose a non-normative, multilevel relational definition: Alternative news media position themselves as correctives of the mainstream news media, as expressed in editorial agendas or statements and/or are perceived as such by their audiences or third-parties. This counter-hegemonic alternativeness can emerge on the macro level of societal function, the meso-level of organizations and/or the micro level of news content and producers. Second, demonstrating why this umbrella definition is fruitful in the changing media environment characterized by boundary struggles, crisis in legacy news media and mushrooming of alternative news outlets, we highlight research gaps and propose future research.

This paper explores the impact of hedonic and eudaimonic entertainment experience on well‐being. We propose that the satisfaction of recovery needs can provide an important link that connects recent 2‐factor models of entertainment with well‐being after media consumption. Using path modeling, relationships between hedonic/eudaimonic entertainment experiences, media‐induced recovery experience, and vitality as a recovery outcome were explored in an experiment (N = 120). Results suggest that different recovery needs are satisfied by hedonic versus eudaimonic entertainment: Although hedonic entertainment experiences were associated with the recovery dimensions of relaxation and psychological detachment, eudaimonic entertainment was related to mastery experiences. Both entertainment facets, thus, lead to media‐induced recovery and resulted in increased psychological well‐being represented by higher levels of vitality after media use.

Participatory formats in online journalism offer increased options for user comments to reach a mass audience, also enabling the spreading of incivility. As a result, journalists feel the need to moderate offensive user comments in order to prevent the derailment of discussion threads. However, little is known about the principles on which forum moderation is based. The current study aims to fill this void by examining 673,361 user comments (including all incoming and rejected comments) of the largest newspaper forum in Germany (Spiegel Online) in terms of the moderation decision, the topic addressed, and the use of insulting language using automated content analysis. The analyses revealed that the deletion of user comments is a frequently used moderation strategy. Overall, more than one-third of comments studied were rejected. Further, users mostly engaged with political topics. The usage of swear words was not a reason to block a comment, except when offenses were used in connection with politically sensitive topics. We discuss the results in light of the necessity for journalists to establish consistent and transparent moderation strategies.

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“Fake news” is an expression that became popularized during the 2016 U.S. election. The rather inflationary use of the term since then has changed its meaning, making it an ambiguous and difficult concept. The term is currently used both as (a) a derogatory term denouncing media and journalism; and (b) an umbrella term for various forms of wrong, misguided, or fabricated information. Fake news in the latter sense is part of a larger spectrum ranging from unintentional misinformation (e.g., sloppy reporting) to intentional disinformation (e.g., propaganda). Examples include various discrepancies from factuality along several dimensions and aspects of the transmitted information, ranging from actual content features (including text, images, etc.) to meta‐information (e.g., headlines, author information) to more contextual aspects (e.g., framing) whereby combinations are possible. As fake news is not a well‐defined concept, and the current definition approaches are not unidimensional, different research groups strive for more precise terms to describe the phenomenon.