Hedonic adaptation has come to play a large role in wellbeing studies and in practical philosophy more generally. We argue that hedonic adaptation has been too closely assimilated to sensory adaptation. Sensation and selective attention do indeed play a role in adaptation; but so do judgment, articulation, contextualization and background assumptions, as well as coping strategies and features of one's social and physical environment. Hence the notion of hedonic adaptation covers not a single uniform phenomenon, but a whole range of different processes and mechanisms. We present a taxonomy of different forms of hedonic adaptation, pointing especially to the importance of coping strategies and socially supported adaptation, which have been overlooked or misdescribed by adaptation theory, but implicitly recognized by empirical research. We further argue that the differences between types of adaptive processes have ramifications for normative theories. Adaptation can work both for good and for bad, depending on the psychological and contextual details. Acknowledging the many forms of hedonic adaptation, and the ubiquitous role of mutual adjustments of values, standards of judgment, emotional tendencies, behaviour and environmental factors in achieving wellbeing also gives support to a more complex and dynamic view of wellbeing as such.
Schizophrenia (SZ) and bipolar disorder (BD) are frequently occurring and impairing disorders that affect around 1% of the population. Schizophrenia (SZ) is a psychotic disorder with usual onset in adolescence or early adulthood. (Tsuang, 2004). SZ is associated with pervasive cognitive impairment. Many investigators have argued that this impairment represents a core feature of the disorder, which reflects both genetic risk and influences functional outcomes. (Green, 1998) Cognitive impairment in schizophrenia is considered a core feature of the disorder. It is reliably present in the majority of patients, independent of positive symptoms such as delusions and hallucinations, and a major cause of poor social and vocational outcome. It is trait-like and present throughout the course of the illness. Thus, impairment is largely stable over intervals ranging for months to years. (Heaton et. al., 2001) The most pronounced deficits are observed in information processing speed and verbal and visual memory, while the smallest deficits are observed in attention and motor processing speed. (Rajji, Ismail and Mulsant, 2009) On the other side bipolar disorder (BD) is characterized by episodic pathological mood alterations that can be manic, depressive or mixed (American Psychiatric Association, 1994) Bipolar disorder also presents with cognitive deficits that are similar to but less severe, than those reported in schizophrenia. Studies demonstrate impairments in visuospatial memory, verbal learning, executive functions, and sustained attention among remitted patients with BD. (Thompson et. al., 2005) Comparing bipolar disorder to schizophrenia is a relevant point since both disorders show considerable overlaps in many aspects. Over the last decade, the Cambridge Neuropsychological Test Automated Battery (CANTAB) has been utilized in cognitive studies mostly of schizophrenia but also of bipolar disorder.
The ability to selectively remember positive events is assumed to be one of the key adaptive mechanisms that enable especially older adults to maintain a high level of wellbeing, in spite of declining physical and cognitive functions. This is often explained as a positive side-effect of an attentional bias, the so-called "positivity effect". We argue, however, that there are both theoretical reasons and empirical evidence for assuming that it that the subsequent, constructive use of memory need not always misrepresent events, but can also help to reveal the full significance of an event, which was not necessarily transparent to the individual at the outset. We tentatively consider a holistic and time-sensitive view of wellbeing, which, contrary to standard atomistic and time-neutral theories, assumes the quality of events and experience depends on the larger life-context in which they become embedded, so that the contribution of events and experiences to the overall quality of one's life can change over time. We provide empirical support for our theoretical conjectures by analysing the results of an interview-based study of emotional memory of early autobiographical life events. the results of an interview-based study of emotional memory of early autobiographical life events.
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