In the face of increasing risk for intimate partner violence (IPV) and sexual assault during the COVID-19 pandemic, there is an urgent need to understand the experiences of the workforce providing support to survivors, as well as the evolving service delivery methods, shifting safety planning approaches, and occupational stress of frontline workers. We addressed this gap by conducting an online survey of members of IPV and sexual assault workforce using a broad, web-based recruitment strategy. In total, 352 staff from 24 states participated. We collaborated with practitioner networks and anti-violence coalitions to develop the brief survey, which included questions about work and health, safety planning, and stress. We used chi-square, t-test, and ANOVA analysis techniques to analyze differences within position and demographic variables. For qualitative data, we used thematic analysis to analyze responses from four open-ended questions. The sample was majority female-identified (93.7%) and essential workers in dual IPV and sexual assault programs (80.7%). Findings demonstrated that since the pandemic began, IPV and sexual assault staff are experiencing more personal and professional stressors, perceive a decrease in client safety, and lack resources needed to help survivors and themselves. Common problems included a lack of food or supplies at home and work and housing and financial support for survivors. There was a 51% increase in the use of video conference for work, which contributed to workforce strain. Reductions in overall service capacity and a shift to remote service provision have implications for both survivors and staff. These findings suggest a critical need for additional training, infrastructure, and support for the IPV and sexual assault workforce. There is an urgent need to classify IPV and sexual assault staff as first responders and address the occupational stress associated with the COVID-19 pandemic.
This study explored the effects of self-care practices and perceptions on positive and negative indicators of professional quality of life, including burnout, secondary traumatic stress, and compassion satisfaction among MSW practitioners. Results reveal that while social workers value and believe self-care is effective in alleviating job-related stress, they engage in self-care on a limited basis. Findings indicate that MSW programs and employers do not teach social workers how to effectively engage in self-care practice. Various domains of self-care practice contribute differently to indicators of professional quality of life. This study sheds light on the under-studied relationship between social worker self-care and professional quality of life, provides insight into the type of activities practiced and not practiced by MSW practitioners, and identifies gaps between perceived value and effective teaching of self-care. Implications exist for social work educators and employers and the potential to support a healthier, sustainable workforce. Keywords: Self-care practice, self-care perceptions, professional quality of lifeSocial workers represent a significant segment of human service professionals in the public and private sectors. There are nearly 600,000 social workers in the United States, and this number is expected to grow by 19 percent by the year 2022, which is faster than the average growth rate of 11 percent for all occupations (U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2013). Social workers practice in a variety of settings including child welfare and family practice, schools, mental health and addictions, and health care (U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2013). Social workers often juggle high volumes of paperwork, complex caseloads, and challenging client situations (Kim & Stoner, 2008). Additionally, social workers routinely engage with individuals, families, and groups who have experienced significant trauma and recent crises; exposure to such clients and the suffering they experience may become emotionally demanding on social workers (Newell & MacNeil, 2010). Compassion fatigue, secondary traumatic stress, and burnout are potential consequences of these emotional demands and can lead to feelings of exhaustion and incompetence, turnover intention, and actual turnover from one's organization (Bride, 2007;Figley, 1995;Killian, 2008;McCann & Pearlman, 1990;McGarrigle & Walsh, 2011;Newell & MacNeil, 2010). Bloomquist et al./SELF-CARE AND PROFESSIONAL QUALITY 293 Self-care and Professional Quality of LifeThe practice of self-care refers to the purposeful actions people and organizations take that contribute to wellness and stress reduction (Alkema, Linton, & Davies, 2008;Barker, 2010;Killian, 2008;Kraus, 2005). Self-care has been heralded in the field of social work as a means to protect against the many stressors of the profession. According to the National Association of Social Workers (NASW, 2008), social workers have an ethical responsibility to address impairment or personal challenges that ...
Sexual harassment is a pervasive problem on college campuses. Across eight academic campuses, 16,754 students participated in an online study that included questions about sexual harassment victimization by a faculty/staff member or by a peer since enrollment at their Institution of Higher Education (IHE). Utilizing an intersectional theory and hurdle models, this study explored the effects of gender, race/ethnicity, sexual orientation, age at enrollment, student status, and time spent at institution on students' risk for peer- and faculty/staff-perpetrated sexual harassment victimization, as well as the extent of victimization for students who experience harassment. Across institutions, 19% of students reported experiencing faculty/staff-perpetrated sexual harassment and 30% reported experiencing peer-perpetrated sexual harassment. Hypotheses related to intersectional impacts were partially supported, with most significant findings in main effects. Time at institution was found to increase both risk and extent of victimization of both types of harassment. Traditional undergraduate students, non-Latinx White students, female students, and gender and sexual minority students were found to be at increased risk for harassment. Being female increases the odds of experiencing both faculty/staff and peer sexual harassment by 86% and 147%, respectively. Latinx students and students with an ethnicity other than White reported less victimization, but those who reported sexual harassment faced greater extent of harassing behaviors. A discussion of these findings for institutional program planning and policy is explored.
Sexual assault, dating/domestic violence, sexual harassment, and stalking are complex crimes and have been a major focus of national attention at institutions of higher education (IHEs). To grasp the extent and nature of these crimes on campuses, institutionally specific climate surveys are being developed and endorsed by the federal government and conducted at IHEs. These climate surveys differ in content and length. This article describes 10 different climate surveys and outlines the variables measured in each tool. Next steps for assessing climate surveys are discussed.
The present study analyzed responses from 220 female survivors of sexual assault at a U.S. college campus. Guided by feminist thought, we used thematic analysis to analyze survivors' reasons for not reporting their sexual assault to university officials. Drawing on participants' own words, the most common reasons for not reporting included “It was not a big enough deal,” “I didn't know who to report to or that I could report,” “It wasn't related to the university,” “I was afraid,” “Because I was drunk,” “Too ashamed to report,” “I didn't want to get him in trouble,” and “Felt as if I would be blamed for putting myself in the situation.” We conducted a series of binary logistic regressions to determine which demographic and experiential variables were associated with the thematic reason(s) for not reporting. In the spirit of feminist praxis, we offer implications for universities to remove barriers for reporting sexual violence.
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