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a b s t r a c tConsuming safe and sustainable food requires trust. Consumer trust in food can be established in different ways, including through personal relationships or various institutional arrangements established by government, private companies and/or civil-society organisations. The recent increase in foodsafety incidents and sustainability concerns in China suggests a dwindling trust in the current government-dominated food governance arrangement. This paper investigates whether emerging alternative trust arrangements and modes of food supply are better able to build consumer trust in contemporary China. Based on a survey of urban middle-class consumers in Beijing using various (i.e., alternative and conventional) food-supply modes, the role and importance of personal and institutional trust arrangements are compared. We found that even among the wealthier and more educated consumers in Beijing, only a small proportion regularly use alternative food-supply schemes; most rely on conventional wet markets and supermarkets. Buying food is primarily constrained by convenience, freshness and the price of food and less by food-safety concerns. In Beijing, trust in food-safety information remains largely derived from the government and less from the market (private certification schemes) or civil society. These findings contribute to the increasing body of knowledge on the embedded character of food consumption and on the relevance of designing policy strategies that connect institutional context and particular consumption practices. In our conclusion, we argue that to secure safe and sustainable food provision, the present government-based trust regime in China requires strengthening through linking up with market-and civil society-based trust regimes, complemented by elements of personalised trust.

Background Coinciding with the release of the first Chinese domestic human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccine Cecolin in 2019, and the substantial advancements in cervical cancer screening technology, we aimed to evaluate the costeffectiveness of the combined strategies of cervical cancer screening programmes and universal vaccination of girls (aged 9-14 years) with Cecolin in China.Methods We did a cost-effectiveness analysis in China, in which we developed a Markov model of cervical cancer to evaluate the incremental cost-effectiveness ratios of 61 intervention strategies, including a combination of various screening methods at different frequencies with and without vaccination, and also vaccination alone, from a healthcare system perspective. We did univariate and probabilistic sensitivity analyses to assess the robustness of the model's findings.Findings Compared with no intervention, various combined screening and vaccination strategies would incur an additional cost of US$6 157 000-22 146 000 and result in 691-970 quality-adjusted life-years (QALYs) gained in a designated cohort of 100 000 girls aged 9-14 years over a lifetime. With a willingness-to-pay threshold of three times the Chinese per-capita gross domestic product (GDP), careHPV screening (a rapid HPV test) once every 5 years with vaccination would be the most cost-effective strategy with an incremental cost-effectiveness ratio of $21 799 per QALY compared with the lower-cost non-dominated strategy on the cost-effectiveness frontier, and the probability of it being cost-effective (44%) outperformed other strategies. Strategies that combined screening and vaccination would be more cost-effective than screening alone strategies when the vaccination cost was less than $50 for two doses, even with a lower willingness-to-pay of one times the per-capita GDP.Interpretation careHPV screening once every 5 years with vaccination is the most cost-effective strategy for cervical cancer prevention in China. A reduction in the domestic HPV vaccine price is necessary to ascertain a good economic return for the future vaccination programme. The findings provide important evidence that informs health policies for cervical cancer prevention in China.

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China's Sloping Land Conversion Program has been implemented since 2002. It aims to achieve goals of ecological recovery and poverty alleviation, by retiring steeply sloping land from crop production and freeing surplus agricultural labor for off-farm activities. Given the huge investment that has been poured into it, and its ecological and social impacts, this government-initiated program has attracted significant academic attention and triggered a flood of debate. Since 2004, the debate has concentrated on the sustainability of the program. Although targets have been overachieved in some provinces, concern has still emerged regarding the livelihood of farmers after subsidies stop. The present paper analyzes the implementation of the Sloping Land Conversion Program in Ningxia Autonomous Region, with a focus on the required social capital for sustained participation of farmers and the development of off-farm economic activities. Copyright (c) 2008 The Authors.