Epidemiological patterns of suicide for Chinese, Japanese and Filipino Americans in 1980 were compared to those for whites, African Americans and Native Americans. The suicide rates of Asian Americans were quite low and in the same rank order as the suicide rates in their home nations. The suicide rates for female Asian Americans were much closer to those of male Asian Americans than was the case for other ethnic groups. Asian Americans used firearms less often for suicide as compared to other ethnic groups. However, epidemiological differences were observed between suicide in Chinese, Filipino, and Japanese Americans. In general, the epidemiology of suicide for Asian Americans showed similarities to the results of epidemiological studies of Asians in their home nations. This suggests that the epidemiological findings have validity, and also that cultural factors have an important influence on the circumstances of suicide.
Since the late eighteenth century, national memory has been largely regarded as an internal matter for nation-states. However, in the course of the past several decades, we have witnessed a growing global trend that promotes the idea that societies, just like individuals, inevitably need to face and deal with their troubled past to prevent a recurrence of violence and to promote democratic and human rights values. This notion argues that memorialisation has become 'a critical element in current struggles for human rights and democracy' (Brett et. al. 2007: 1). The term 'memorialisation' covers a range of initiatives that aim 'to preserve the memory of past abuses for present and future generations, by such means as monuments, museums, commemorative ceremonies, and rituals' (Blustein 2012: 19). Attempts, at the world polity level, to find and implement proper policies and modes of memorialisation for societies involved in massive human rights abuses, starting from World War II onwards, gave birth to myriad approaches and methods that promise to secure a sustainable peace and a gradual transition to democracy. The global memorialisation agenda, promoted through various institutions, polices, discourses and practices, is closely connected with, and gains its
In this article I present a decade-long affair over the erection of the Monument in Belgrade to those killed in the wars of the 1990s where the official Serbian policy was to manage its contested past through cover ups and cultural reframing rather than public acknowledgement. I demonstrate here that, though the open competitions to erect a monument dedicated to the fallen 1 of the wars of the 1990s were an opportunity to negotiate different mnemonic agendas, the ruling political elite, as the dominant actor, promoted Serbian victimhood as it meant to bridge gaps in the opposing domestic and international demands. I suggest here that the mnemonic battle in present-day Serbia proves to be an exemplary case of how a post-conflict nation state mediates its contested past when caught in the gap between the domestic demands and those of international relations.
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