This article reports the development of the Stress-Related Growth Scale (SRGS) and its use in a study examining determinants of stress-related positive outcomes for college students. Study 1 analyses showed that the SRGS has acceptable internal and test-retest reliability and that scores are not influenced by social desirability. Study 2 analyses showed that college students' SRGS responses were significantly related to those provided by friends and relatives on their behalf. Study 3 analyses tested the determinants of stress-related growth longitudinally. Significant predictors of the SRGS were (a) intrinsic religiousness; (b) social support satisfaction; (c) stressfulness of the negative event; (d) positive reinterpretation and acceptance coping; and (e) number of recent positive life events. The SRGS was also positively related to residual change in optimism, positive affectivity, number of socially supportive others, and social support satisfaction, lending further support to the validity of this new scale. Results have implications for current theory on stress-related positive outcomes.

The authors examined the influence of neuroticism (N) on the occurrence of different types of daily events, primary and secondary appraisals of those events, use of specific coping strategies, and end-of-day negative mood. College students completed questionnaires at the end of every day for 14 consecutive days. When reporting their most stressful event of each day, high-N individuals, compared with low-N individuals, reported more interpersonal stressors and had more negative primary and secondary appraisals and reacted with more distress in response to increasingly negative primary and secondary appraisals. Compared with low-N individuals, high-N individuals used less-adaptive coping strategies (e.g., hostile reaction) and reacted with more distress in response to some types of coping strategies. The appraisal findings, in particular, help to explain the chronic negative affectivity associated with neuroticism.

A longitudinal design was used to test the effects of life events experienced by young adolescents and their parents. The criteria were the adolescents' depression, anxiety, and self-esteem. The longitudinal analysis revealed a significant effect for the adolescents' controllable, but not uncontrollable, negative events. However, causal analyses revealed that this effect was the result of the significant relation between initial adjustment and the subsequent occurrence of controllable life stress (e.g., school suspension). The longitudinal analysis also revealed the stress-protective role of positive events, but only with respect to girls' self-esteem. There was no longitudinal support for the role of the parents' negative life events. These findings do not support the etiological importance of an accumulation of relatively discrete negative events experienced by early adolescents and their parents, but they do suggest the need (a) to conceptualize (controllable) life stress as a dependent variable in future research on developmental psychopathology; (b) to examine gender differences in early adolescent life stress; and (c) to develop more sophisticated measures of family life stress. 583This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.' Negative prospective findings, by themselves, are difficult to interpret, however because, in effect, they reflect the delayed effects of Time I negative events above and beyond those found on the Time 1 criteria.

Although early adolescence is recognized as an important developmental period, research on life events in this population is surprisingly sparse. In the present study, early adolescents were administered measures of negative and positive life experiences and psychological distress on two occasions, separated by about a 5-month interval. Cross-sectional regression analyses revealed a significant positive relationship between negative events and distress, but generally failed to support the stress-buffering effects of positive events. However, in the prospective analyses, negative events were not predictive of psychological distress, and were, in fact, themselves partly determined by previous distress. The results are compared with previous studies of adult life events and suggest the importance of ongoing stressful processes as engendering both maladjustment and stressful events in the lives of early adolescents.

Two prospective studies were conducted to test the stress-moderating effects of intrinsic religiousness and overall religious coping on the depression and trait anxiety of Catholic and Protestant college students. Both studies found a significant cross-sectional interaction between controllable life stress and religious coping in the prediction of Catholics' depression, with religious coping serving a protective function at a high level of controllable negative events. Both studies also found a significant prospective interaction between uncontrollable life stress and intrinsic religiousness in the prediction of Protestants' depression; the relationship between uncontrollable stress and depression was positive for low intrinsic Protestants, flat for medium intrinsic Protestants, but negative for high intrinsic Protestants. The findings are discussed in terms of their implications for the role of religion in life stress adjustment.

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The first of these two studies examined the relationship between adolescents' scores on a social desirability questionnaire and scores of negative, positive, and total life events. Only number of positive events was significantly related to social desirability. The second study compared various scoring strategies with respect to their intercorrelation and their ability to predict adolescents' maladjustment (depression, anxiety, and number of missed school days). The results demonstrated that (a) total number of events and readjustment-weighted life change scores were equally predictive of the maladjustment criteria; (b) negative events, but not positive events, however scored, were significantly related to the maladjustment criteria; (c) indices based on psychologist-judges' ratings of event desirability were not more predictive of the maladjustment criteria than were indices based on the adolescents' self-reports; and (d) uncontrollable negative events and controllable negative events were equally predictive of the maladjustment criteria.

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