Resumo AbstractThis article attempts to systematize Amartya Sen's criticism of Arrow's theoretical structure and to show how, in order to avoid the devastating results of the impossibility theorem, Sen argues for the expansion of the universe of information used as the basis of social choice. Initially, this article gives a brief summary of Arrow's social choice theory with the purpose of providing a broad context to aid the understanding of the nature of Sen's criticisms. Next, it presents Sen's interpretations of the reasons that led to the impossibility result and this author's criticism of the foundations of Arrow's theory. Finally, some considerations are presented concerning the nature of Sen's criticism and its consequences for the views on welfare that he eventually adopted.
Visa-se explicar como se daria, segundo Mill, a transformação das 'verdades abstratas' da ciência da economia política - engendradas a partir da utilização da abstração 'homem econômico' - em 'verdades concretas' passíveis de serem utilizadas para previsão dos eventos e como base para a formulação de política econômica. Argumenta-se que seria necessário não só 'humanizar' o 'homem econômico', levando em conta motivações humanas que são propositadamente excluídas pela ciência da economia política, como também considerar peculiaridades institucionais de cada caso. Conclui-se que, apesar do sucesso de Mill em transformar verdades abstratas em concretas, os seus escritos metodológicos são por demais vagos e insuficientes para nos servir de guia nesta importante questão.
We aim at explaining Mill's view on the transformation of the 'abstract truths' of the science of political economy - obtained by using the 'economic man' abstraction - in 'concrete truths', which could be used both to predict events and as support for policy decisions. We argue that it would not only be necessary to 'humanize' the 'economic man' by taking in account several human motivations that are not considered by the science of political economy, but also to take in account the institutional peculiarities of each case. We conclude that despite Mill's success on his attempts to transform 'abstract' in 'concrete' truths, his methodological advices are too vague and insufficient to guide us in this important issue
ResumoEste artigo visa analisar a posição de Marshall em relação ao capitalismo de sua época e às possibilidades de mudança social. Argumenta-se que, apesar de ser um grande defensor do sistema de liberdade econômica, Marshall considerava fundamental sanar o problema da pobreza e da indigência que assolava e degradava física, moral e intelectualmente boa parte da população. Todavia, ao contrário dos socialistas e coletivistas que visavam extinguir as principais instituições vigentes (a concorrência, a propriedade privada, o trabalho assalariado, entre outras), o autor vislumbrava uma sociedade melhor ainda sob a égide dessas instituições capitalistas. Essa situação melhor poderia ser atingida por meio da intervenção do Estado e de mudanças importantes nos valores dos indivíduos -que envolveriam a adoção de uma postura mais nobre e cavalheiresca no seu agir econômico.Palavras-chave: Alfred Marshall; Capitalismo; Pobreza; Socialismo; Mudança social. Abstract Alfred Marshall, capitalism and his social utopiaThis paper analyses Marshall"s view in relation to capitalism and to the possibilities of social change. It is argued that in spite of being an important defender of the system of economic liberty, Marshall thought it was crucial to solve the problems of poverty and indigence that degraded physically, morally and intellectually a great part of the population. He rejected the socialists and collectivists solutions -that aimed at extinguishing the main prevailing institutions, such as competition in the market and private property, and wage-labor; and defended that a better society could be built preserving the key institutions of capitalism. He believed that this better situation could be achieved by prompt intervention of the State, and by important changes in the values of the individuals of society, that involved more nobility and chivalry in their economic action. (2) Professora do Departamento de Economia e do Programa de Estudos Pós-graduados em Economia Política da Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo (PUC-SP) e bolsista de Produtividade em Pesquisa do CNPq (Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico), São Paulo, SP, Brasil. E-mail: lauramat@uol.com.br. Agradeço o apoio financeiro recebido para o desenvolvimento da pesquisa que resultou no artigo. Agradeço igualmente os preciosos comentários e sugestões de José Eduardo Godoy e Bruno Beltrame e dos pareceristas anônimos da revista.
Este artigo visa a investigar alguns aspectos da filosofia social e econômica de Alfred Marshall. Argumenta-se que o combate à pobreza mobilizou sobremaneira o autor por ele considerá-la um mal que, além de infligir intenso sofrimento aos pobres, era responsável por boa parte de sua degradação física, moral e intelectual. Resgatar os homens, mulheres e crianças da miséria seria, assim, um pré-requisito para o melhoramento humano e social. Analisa-se, no artigo, a extensa agenda de reformas defendida por Marshall, que incluía o combate direto à pobreza e à indigência, mas também políticas educacionais, sanitárias, habitacionais, e de planejamento urbano. Argumenta-se que, apesar de, à primeira vista, parecerem uma miscelânea de medidas, analisadas em seu conjunto essas propostas se complementavam e visavam basicamente a romper o "círculo vicioso" da pobreza e, com isso, melhorar a vida e o caráter dos homens.
It is argued that, for Mill, the answer depended on the type of society in question. In 'backward' societies, in which the population encountered itself in a very low state of moral and intellectual improvement, the adequate form of government would be enlightened despotism and the adequate scope of the State intervention in economic and social life very great. In 'civilized' societies, on the contrary, the ideal political regime would be the Representative Government, and laissez-faire, in general lines, the best policy. It is also argued that despite Mill's conclusion that Representative Government and economic liberty would not be applicable or adequate to every kind of society, they had a great importance on his philosophy as ideals to be aimed at.
John Stuart Mill’s involvement with the Land Question in Ireland is analyzed from the viewpoint of his theory of institutions. I argue that, for Mill, institutions should promote progress without endangering social order. When referring to economic institutions, “progress” meant, essentially, human improvement, a rise in economic productivity, and the increase of social justice. According to Mill, the cottier system did not fulfill any of these requisites and should be abandoned. Mill also rejected transposing to Ireland the “English model” of capitalist agriculture. This institution could eventually solve the economic problem but involved the unjust eviction of tenants and would not regenerate the Irish character. Given the particularities of Ireland, Mill endorsed peasant property as the most suitable form of land appropriation. It would, at the same time, improve the character of the people, enhance productivity, and increase the social justice of the system. It would also mitigate the conflicts that jeopardized social order.
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