A myriad of issues relating to professional sports require knowledge about the determinants of attendance. As sports expand as a cultural phenomenon, legal battles over franchises, player compensation and rights, and public subsidies for sports stadiums will intensify. While attendance at sporting events plays a crucial role in deciding sports controversies such as these, there is a paucity of theory explaining attendance at professional sporting events. Even though baseball is considered the national pastime, relatively little is known about the determinants of baseball attendance. This paper is an attempt to fill that gap through building on the baseball attendance research of Roger Noll.

I use a recent series of household surveys to estimate the price and income elasticities of charitable giving. I estimate price elasticities of-0.94 to-1.15 and income elasticities of 0.24 to 0.35. Although the price elasticity estimates are smaller than those found in early studies, they do imply that the charitable deduction has a substantial impact on charitable giving. I also find that respondents' own reports of their sensitivity to tax deductions corroborate the price elasticity estimates. Those who report being most influenced by tax deductions have the highest price elasticity and those who report being least sensitive to tax deductions have the lowest price elasticity.

Results suggest that, although program participants are less likely to breastfeed exclusively than eligible nonparticipants, program-provided infant formula is an important option for mothers who do not breastfeed exclusively. The program faces the challenge to encourage breastfeeding without undermining incentives to follow other recommended infant feeding practices. Recent changes proposed to the food packages by the US Department of Agriculture Food and Nutrition Service are consistent with the goal of increasing adherence to recommended infant feeding practices among participants.

In 2000, 8.8 million children lived in households participating in the Food Stamp Program, making this assistance program a crucial component of the social safety net. Despite its importance, little research has examined food stamps' effect on children's overall well-being. Using the Current Population Survey from 1989 to 2001, we consider the impact of food stamps on three measures of poverty—the headcount, the poverty gap, and the squared poverty gap. We find that in comparison to the headcount measure, food stamp benefits lead to large reductions in the poverty gap and squared poverty gap measures. Copyright 2005, Oxford University Press.

"Despite the benefits of prenatal participation in the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC), many eligible women either do not participate or begin participation late in their pregnancies. Using recent nationally representative data, we find that more disadvantaged women are more likely to access WIC and, with some notable exceptions, to participate earlier in their pregnancies. Hispanic women, especially those with language difficulties, enroll in WIC later in their pregnancies. Early WIC participation, particularly among teenagers, is less likely among women experiencing a first birth and depends on the mother's early recognition of her pregnancy. "("JEL "I18, I30) Copyright (c) 2008 Western Economic Association International.

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Beginning in the 1990s, states have received unprecedented flexibility to determine Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) eligibility and program administration. We find state SNAP policies accounted for nearly half of the 2000–2016 caseload increase. State economic conditions also play an important role in caseload changes, accounting for almost half of the 2007 through 2013 increase. Within distinct periods of our 1990–2016 data, policy and the economy make different contributions to caseload changes. Policy simulations indicate that mandating states to maintain their 2000 SNAP policies, prior to the greatest expansion in latitude, would have lowered 2000–2016 caseload growth by 38%.

Now that married women are working more for pay than they were three decades ago, are they less likely to volunteer? I use national time diary surveys conducted in 1965, 1975, 1985, and 1993 to document a decrease in the weekly volunteer participation rate of working-age married women, from 16.4% in 196516.4% in to 9.3% in 1993 in observable characteristics explain about 65% of the decrease in married women's volunteer participation from 1965 to 1985. The increased employment rates of married women as well as the changes in their parental status are substantial contributors to the decline in their volunteer participation. Married women's gain in educational attainment is the most important factor to offset the decline in their volunteer participation. However, married women's changing labor force and parental status do not explain why married women's volunteer participation continued to decline from 1985 to 1993.Charitable organizations often express the concern that participation in volunteer activities is declining. One explanation offered for the supposed decline is that the increase in labor force participation rates of married women has led to a decrease in their participation in volunteer activities. The volunteer activity of married women is a focus of interest for two main reasons. First, married women have traditionally been an important source of volunteer labor. A 1965 survey showed that 22.3% of married women volunteered, compared to 15.6% of married men and 12.1% of single women and men.