The crisis unleashed by COVID-19 has profoundly impacted the world of work, with many workers losing their jobs or with insufficient safety measures in place for those still in work. Migrant workers are among the precarious workforce that is employed in particularly affected sectors where they have been subjected to labour rights’ violations for a long time. The pandemic has further exposed and exacerbated the exploitation of migrant workers in particular, as evident from the widespread occurrence of the non- or underpayment of wages for work that has been carried out. Despite the efforts made in recent years at the global level to arrive at a common framework to regulate international labour migration in accordance with international human and labour rights’ standards, little progress has been achieved on the issue of wage theft. This article analyses the reasons why the institutional architecture in place is ineffective to tackle the settlement of outstanding wage claims. We use the concept of access to justice as a starting point and steer our examination towards global advocacy as epitomised by a concerted campaign by an alliance between civil society organisations (CSOs) and global union confederations, which calls for the implementation of a justice mechanism for repatriated migrant workers. Our analysis is specifically centred on low-wage migrants on temporary, employer-tied contracts as illustrated by the South Asia–Middle East/Gulf migration corridor.
This research investigated factors that influence the implementation levels of evidencebased comprehension strategy instruction (CSI) among K-3 teachers. An explanatory design was chosen to gather and probe the data. Quantitative data were gathered via mailed surveys distributed through a representative sample of the 40 school districts (through a stratified-random selection of teachers) in a state in the Rocky Mountain West. Expectancy-value theory was applied as it affects self-reported levels of teacher implementation of CSI. Both expectancy and value showed significance for predicting self-reported CSI implementation in two multiple regression analyses. Surveys revealed teachers' perceptions of what impedes or supports their sustained implementation of CSI. These findings suggest that increases in school support will also raise teacher CSI implementation levels.
Objective: To provide a synthesis of published research concerning the perinatal mental health needs of black and minority ethnic (BME) women in prison. Methods: This integrative review utilised a narrative overview design to explore available literature. Results: The search strategy identified 13 relevant papers. Out of these, six met the inclusion criteria. The results found that imprisoned women are more likely to be from a BME background. As a group, pregnant women in prison present a vulnerable obstetric risk. In addition to the universal obstacles, BME women face further challenges of overcoming ethno-cultural barriers when trying to access appropriate perinatal mental health care while in prison. Clinical implications: BME imprisoned pregnant women are clearly a high-risk obstetric group, and their numbers are increasing. Deciphering and meeting the unique perinatal mental health needs of this group of women presents a challenge to both the health-care and prison systems. Becoming aware and sensitive to these needs is the first step towards policy makers and service providers addressing them. This research will add to the limited academic field on the perinatal mental health needs of BME women in prison. These findings demonstrate that more research and attention needs to be paid to this highly vulnerable group of women.
This paper examines the multi-actor and multi-sited character of global labour migration governance as a sphere in which various organisations seek influence on the direction of global policy via various methods. We focus on the relational dynamics between the two key organisations which engage in the governance of labour migration, yet which have fundamentally different mandates and modes for governing: the ILO and the IOM. This paper contributes to the existing literature on global migration governance and the role of international organisations by applying the concept of ‘global partnerships’ to our examination of the relationship between those two key international organisations in the field of migration. We characterise the evolving ILO–IOM global partnership as an uneasy alliance along a “competition/clash-cooperation spectrum” and argue that, in order to manage the competing-cooperating dynamics, a type of strategic ILO–IOM partnership has emerged, an alliance which has also been driven by the blurring of public and private realms in new global migration governing forms and formats. The ultimate question raised by these developments is whether this global partnership will promote or obstruct the advancement of the decent work policy agenda for migrant workers.
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