Research has identified interpersonal violence (a broad term that includes stalking, harassment, sexual assault, and physical dating violence) as a major problem among adolescents. Research suggests that there are different patterns, or classes, of interpersonal violence victimization and perpetration, but little of this work has focused on adolescents. In the current study, we conducted latent class analysis using a sample of 2,921 adolescent girls and boys in high school from northern New England to assess varying patterns of interpersonal violence victimization and perpetration over the past 2 months, specifically stalking, harassment, sexual assault, and dating violence. Four classes of violence victimization and perpetration were identified: (a) No Victimization or Perpetration class ( n = 1,898, 65.0%), (b) Low Victimization and Perpetration class ( n = 343, 11.7%), (c) Harassment Victimization Only class ( n = 560, 19.2%), and (d) High Victimization and Low Perpetration class ( n = 120, 4.1%). Several differences in classes emerged as a function of demographic and behavioral health variables. For example, the High Victimization and Low Perpetration class had the highest proportion of girls and youth with sexual minority status. Furthermore, youth in the High Victimization and Low Perpetration class also had a significantly higher proportion of class members endorsing depressed mood and engagement in binge drinking than the youth in other classes. These findings demonstrate the heterogeneity in patterns of interpersonal violence, which future research should seek to better understand in terms of etiology, outcomes, and best practices for prevention and intervention.
Objective: The purpose of the present study was to assess distal (i.e., stigma consciousness) and proximal (i.e., internalized homophobia, identity concealment) minority stressors as predictors of sexual intimate partner violence (S-IPV) victimization and perpetration among LGBQ+ U.S. college students, as well as the extent to which hazardous alcohol use and social support moderated these relationships. Method: A crosssectional research design was utilized in a sample of LGBQ+ U.S. college students (n = 1,221) across 20 institutions of higher education who completed an online survey. Structural equation modeling with moderation was used to evaluate if the association between minority stressors and S-IPV victimization and perpetration were moderated by hazardous alcohol use and social support. Results: Social support was unrelated to both S-IPV victimization and perpetration. Hazardous alcohol use was related to S-IPV victimization, but not S-IPV perpetration. Whereas minority stress had a direct effect on S-IPV victimization, there were no direct effects of minority stress on S-IPV perpetration. However, at higher levels of hazardous drinking, indicators of minority stress were related to both S-IPV victimization and perpetration. Conversely, at lower levels of hazardous drinking, minority stress was unrelated to S-IPV victimization and perpetration. Conclusion: S-IPV prevention efforts for LGBQ+ college students should focus on reducing minority stress and hazardous drinking. Future research is also needed to identify additional factors, not measured in the present study, that increase the risk for S-IPV among LGBQ+ college students.
Little prior research has explored how prosecutors perceive and utilize biological and injury evidences in sexual assault cases. In this qualitative study, semistructured interviews were conducted with assistant district attorneys (ADAs) working in an urban district attorney's office in the northeastern United States. ADAs were asked to describe how biological and injury evidences could be probative and their strategies for using this evidence. The interviews suggest that prosecutors perceive the probative value of biological and injury evidences on a continuum, varying based on case characteristics. Prosecutors felt that undergoing a forensic medical examination in itself supported victims' credibility. Biological evidence bolstered victims' credibility if it matched the victim's account better than the defendant's. They perceived DNA evidence as helpful when it identified unknown suspects, confirmed identification of suspects by other means, or rebutted defendants' denial of sexual contact. DNA evidence was also helpful when victims were incapacitated, too traumatized to recall or talk about the assault, or too young to identify assailants, and when police used the information in interrogating suspects. The biggest limitation to biological evidence prosecutors cited was overcoming the consent defense. The ADAs reported they used DNA evidence even when it was not particularly probative, because it confirms the correct person is being prosecuted, it communicates the victim's and prosecution's seriousness, and it meets jury expectations in trials. Prosecutors found injury evidence useful because it corroborated victims' accounts and helped refute defendant claims of consensual sex. The findings may assist in educating others about biological and injury evidences in these cases, and could inspire professionals and advocates to work to develop and support a broad range of investigative methods.
This study evaluated the effectiveness of a 6-session (12-hour) empowerment self-defense classroom delivered curriculum (i.e., IMpower) among American Indian girls. Girls ( N = 74) in one middle school and two high schools on an Indian Reservation in the Great Plains region of the United States received the intervention and completed a pre-test and a post-test six months following the final program session. The surveys administered assessed hypothesized intermediary (i.e., efficacy to resist a sexual assault, self-defense knowledge), primary (i.e., sexual violence victimization), and secondary (i.e., physical dating violence, sexual harassment) outcomes. Native American girls ( N = 181) in five middle schools and three high schools in a nearby city where there was no sexual assault prevention occurring completed surveys assessing sexual violence, physical dating violence, and sexual harassment victimization approximately six months apart, thus serving as a comparison to girls in the treatment condition on primary and secondary outcomes. Girls exposed to the IMpower program reported significant increases over time in efficacy to resist a sexual assault and knowledge of effective resistance strategies. Furthermore, propensity score analyses suggested that girls who received the IMpower program reported significantly fewer types of sexual assault and sexual harassment at follow-up compared to girls in the control condition. However, no effect was found for physical dating violence. These data suggest that empowerment self-defense is a promising approach in preventing sexual assault and sexual harassment among American Indian girls.
Research documents high rates of interpersonal violence (e.g., bullying, dating violence, sexual assault) among middle and high school youth, during which time dating and sexual relationships are emerging. Most research to date focuses on one type of violence at a time or examines the co-occurrence of violence within an age group. This study examined interpersonal violence victimization and perpetration (IVVP) within the context of middle and high school with data from 738 middle school students and 1,311 high school students. Results show distinct classes, or groups, of IVVP among middle and high school students. Three classes emerged for the middle school sample and included a normative class (66.8%; n = 493), a victim of bullying class (28.1%; n = 207), and a mixed/poly-victim class (5.2%; n = 38). Five classes emerged for the high school sample and included a normative class (66.7%; n = 975), a victim of bullying class (18.1%; n = 237), a homophobic bully–victim class (11.0%; n = 144), a poly-victim class (3.1%; n = 40), and a sexual assault perpetrator class (1.1%; n = 15). Demographic and adjustment indicators differentiated many of the classes in each age group. The findings illustrate that there are distinct differences between middle and high school student’s exposure to and perpetration of violence. Middle school students may be best served by programs that address victimization experiences while high school may be a developmental moment to introduce sexual assault prevention programs.
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