With the majority of people living in cities it has become increasingly important to examine the relationship between the qualities and characteristics of an urban setting and the perceived satisfaction of its users. Discourses on Quality of Urban life (QOUL) show that the preponderance of existing empirical studies and measurement frameworks have been developed based on Western case studies or standards. Rapid urbanisation of cities in Africa and Asia, however, has dramatically impacted the use of space, and in many cases has resulted in intense urban transformations that impacted communities. This prompts questions about the quality of life (QOL) of residents and the liveability of their environments. Thus, this research argues that although there are many aspects of urban life that are pan-cultural, there are also culture specific features that make urban life unique in each city or setting. Consequently, QOUL studies should balance universal values and context-specificities. Following identification and critique of QOUL models, the paper calls for a new model to examine context specificities. The model aims to highlight the important role that context and culture play in urban life while underscoring the relevant core dimensions of QOUL studies.

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Recent literature corroborates a lack of critical engagement with contemporary east–south African cities and a scarcity of focus on the quality of urban life (QoUL) in Africa at large. Geographically situated in Malawi's capital city, Lilongwe, this study provides insights into the QoUL in three heterogenous neighbourhoods in the city from the perspective of the residents. The paper examines key indicators which impact urban life. Data are gathered through neighbourhood profiling and a residential attitude survey. It focuses on the individual resident's subjective assessment of their quality of life, and their view of four domains of urban life: namely, the physical, social, economic and well-being domains. Variances in demographic and socio-economic groups are discussed as well as the variances in QoUL found in three neighbourhoods. The results reveal that there is significant variance in the QoUL across the three neighbourhoods in Lilongwe. The study contributes to the ongoing discourse of QoUL by asserting that its underlying domains should not be viewed in isolation as they incessantly impact one another and that confronting urban challenges in this context should be considered at a neighbourhood scale.

Urban open spaces are an integral component of urban structures and represent the lung of the city where people enjoy, entertain, and interact. The spatial configuration and urban form play a major role in generating urban life and human exchange (Moughtin and Mertens, 2003), and thus enable the integration of routines of work, communal life, enjoyment and, relaxation. Urban open spaces support human needs and convey cultural and contextual meanings within the essential qualities of accessibility and proximity to important structures within the city (Carr et al., 1992). Urban research divulges various important qualities that should be satisfied. Carmona et al., (2010) consider comfort, relaxation, and active and passive engagement with the environment as primary needs that people seek to satisfy in public spaces. The sense of comfort is merely reflected by the length of time that people stay in a public space. The richness of architectural vocabulary and the human scale of space play a key role in enhancing the sense of relaxation. As the sense of comfort and relaxation are increased, the feeling of safety and security are supported (Carr et al., 1992). The variety of landscape elements and the spatial subdivisions of public space help accentuate the positive contrast with the adjacent surroundings and make it easier for the users to relax. Architectural qualities that ensue from responses to climatic conditions, availability of materials and techniques, and the socio-cultural context are important to consider. Rapoport (1976) postulates that the lifestyle of any specific community is recognised as the interactive relationship between cultural, material, spiritual and social aspects, which are varied from one place to another. Spreiregen (1965) points out that the urban form of a city or town is generated through its population 'size', which is linked to the physical outline structure 'shape', in order to produce and qualify the geometry of city form 'pattern'. As a result, the intensity of using land by people and buildings 'density' play a vital role in developing and redeveloping these elements. In other words, density is determined by urban texture and grain and expresses the degree of homogeneity or heterogeneity of use by people or buildings (Spreiregen, 1965:64). The propositions of Rapoport and Spreiregen epitomize a case for the value of understanding physical as well as social and perceptual dimensions of the environment.

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