ResumenEste artículo de reflexión analiza dos competencias de gobernanza regional, la competencia entre la Alianza del Pacífico (AP) y el Mercosur, y la competencia entre la Unasur y la OEA, explorando las estrategias colombianas. Mientras la AP, combinada con el transregionalismo de sus miembros, parecía prevalecer en la competencia con el Mercosur para surtir el modelo privilegiado de gobernanza económica regional, la Unasur no solo perdió la competencia con la OEA por ejercer el mandato de la gestión de seguridad en América del Sur, sino quedó amenazada de extinción. La competencia Unasur-OEAentre dos organizaciones anidadas-era mucho más intensa que la competencia AP-Mercosur, atenuada con esfuerzos de convergencia. Mientras la competencia Unasur-OEA emanaba de una búsqueda de autonomía suramericana, apoyada en el ascenso de Brasil (hasta 2013), la competencia AP-Mercosur abarcó la contestación institucional colombiana frente a su aspiración al liderazgo regional. Palabras claveAlianza del Pacífico, Mercosur, Unasur, OEA, transregionalismo, balanceo blando, contestación institucional, autonomía, aquiescencia. Códigos de clasificación JEL: F15, N76, F53 AbstractThis essay analyzes two competitions on regional governance: the competition between the Pacific Alliance (PA) and Mercosur, and the competition between UNASUR and the OEA -exploring Colombian strategies. While the PA, combined with the cross-regionalism of its members, seemed to prevail in the competition with Mercosur to provide the preferred model of regional economic governance, Unasur not only lost the competition with the OEA for exercising the mandate of the security management in South America, but came under the threat of extinction. The Unasur-OEA competition -between two nested organizations-was much more intensive than the PA-Mercosur competition, attenuated with convergence efforts. While the Unasur-OEA competition emanated from a quest for South American autonomy, based on the rise of Brazil (up to 2013), the PA-Mercosur competition included institutional contestation by Colombia at Brazil´s bid for regional leadership.
This paper explores how Britain’s and Colombia’s privileged relations with the United States (U.S.) influenced their journey through the European Community (EC) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). The Anglo–American Special Relationship (AASR) was compatible with British participation in the European Single Market, but not with adherence to creating the EC’s common currency, nor with leadership in building a European defence structure autonomous from NATO. Thus, since the start of the Iraq war, Britain played a rather obstructive role in what later was called European Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The US–Colombia Partnership (USCP), based on a longstanding military association reinforced under Plan Colombia, naturally discouraged any meaningful Colombian participation in UNASUR’s South American Security Council (CDS), a regional cooperative security project, promoted by Brazil. Cherished projects of the liberal CAP – such as triangular cooperation (to export Colombian security expertise to Central America with U.S. co-financing and oversight) and NATO partnership – also distracted Colombia’s interest from UNASUR, diminishing the latter’s relevance collaterally. A role for UNASUR – alongside the Organization of American States (OAS) – in South American security management was compatible with the liberal CAP, but not with the neoconservative CAP. Even a lopsided complementation – such as the one between NATO and the CSDP – proved unviable between the OAS and UNASUR.
ResumenEste ensayo caracteriza brevemente la Alianza del Pacífico (ALP) y la ubica entre las tradiciones alternativas del regionalismo y del panamericanismo. Analiza las membresías de la ALP (liberal, emergente pura) y del Mercosur (cohabitación). Compara los mandatos específicos de los dos esquemas con respecto a la función social, el recurso al arbitraje en el Centro Internacional de Arreglo de Diferencias Relativas a Inversiones y la unión aduanera. Subraya que la ALP debería consolidar rápidamente su cohesión, pues México y Chile están más vinculados a Brasil en el Mercosur. Palabras claveAlianza del Pacífico, Mercosur, complejidad institucional, balanceo institucional. Códigos de clasificación JEL: F15, N76 AbstractThis paper briefly characterizes the Pacific Alliance (ALP) and ranks it among the alternative traditions of the regionalism and Pan Americanism. It analyzes the ALP memberships (pure liberalemergent) and Mercosur (cohabitation). It compares the specific mandates of the two schemes regarding the social function, the use of arbitration at the International Centre for Dispute Settlement related to Investment and the customs union. It stresses that the ALP should rapidly consolidate their cohesion as Mexico and Chile are more closely linked to Brazil-Mercosur.
El caso Cerruti (1885–1911) se origina en una guerra civil, cuando Colombia aún es una federación, pero la contienda confirma a los centralistas (liberales independientes y conservadores) en el poder, al sofocar una rebelión de los liberales radicales. El Estado Soberano del Cauca expropia los bienes del empresario italiano Ernesto Cerruti, acusado de financiar y abastecer a los rebeldes, y los de la sociedad E. Cerruti y Co. son embargados. El Gobierno central, en cambio, califica estas medidas como ilegales y - cediendo a la diplomacia de cañoneras, desplegada por Italia para proteger a Cerruti y lograr su indemnización - acepta dos arbitrajes internacionales. El laudo del presidente estadounidense Cleveland, emitido en 1897, perjudica a Colombia aún más que el dictamen del mediador español Moret, formulado un decenio antes. El sesgo de Cleveland se atribuye a la temprana oposición estadounidense a la Doctrina Calvo. Por largas décadas, el arbitraje internacional queda descartado en Colombia, debido al uso de este escudo jurídico-político de la soberanía económica.
This article characterises the US–Colombia Partnership (USCP) by comparing it to the U.S.–U.K. Special Relationship (USUKSR). For this purpose, both dyads are graded within Lake’s typology of international hierarchies. Then Xu’s three minimum criteria for SRs – and a fourth criterion derived from Harnisch – are applied to the USCP, with references to the USUKSR. In the security dimension, the USCP could be graded as a weak (soft) protectorate under Plan Colombia, and it might be still today. The USUKSR is seen heading toward a weak protectorate due to Britain’s even closer post-Brexit alignment to the U.S. (by launching an Indo-Pacific tilt, clinching the AUKUS pact, and helping to broker a broader anti-China coalition, while remaining the staunchest NATO ally). In the economic dimension, the USUKSR until recently could be rated as market exchange, but now it has been approaching an economic zone (as Britain is courting America for more trade and investment, while shedding Huawei, shelving a bilateral FTA with China, and seeking CPTPP accession). The USCP classifies as an economic zone, since the U.S. is still Colombia’s largest export market and preferred investor, and Colombia has been very cautious with China (refraining from an FTA, and from joining the BRI). The USCP (by combining a weak protectorate with an economic zone) is rated as an informal empire, while the USUKSR may be close to it. The USCP is unlikely to become an SR, because U.S. substituted Colombian governance functions are focused on domestic security, and the U.S. public does not judge Colombia positively, and is far from regarding it as an ally. The paper ends with a note on the dominant partner.
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