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Can civic organizations be both locally rooted and globally connected? Based on a survey of 1,002 of the largest civic organizations in Hungary, we conclude that there is not a forced choice between foreign ties and domestic integration. By studying variation in types of foreign interactions and variation in types of domestic integration, our analysis goes beyond notions of footloose experts versus rooted cosmopolitans. Organizations differ in their rootedness according to whether they have ties to their members and constituents, whether they have ties to other organizations in the civic sector, and whether they associate with actors from outside the civic sector. Similarly, we specify different types of foreign ties. In both domains our emphasis is on the type of action involved in the tie-especially relations of accountability and partnership. By demonstrating a systematic relationship between the patterns of foreign ties and the patterns of domestic integration, we chart three emerging forms of transnational publics.Can civic organizations be both locally rooted and globally connected? A prominent theme in the literature on social movements, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and civic organizations more generally points to warning signs about the potential negative effects of transnationalization. According to that view, international ties come at the expense of local integration. For some authors, the sources of disintegration are located in changes in the internal structure of the organizations whereby transnationalized organizations become professionalized, bureaucratized, and commercialized, with the potential consequence of the de-radicalization of the organizations (Rucht, 1999: 218). For others, the negative effects of transnationalization result from accompanying changes in the relationship between the Theor Soc (2006) 35: 323-349

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In the months and years immediately following the collapse of communism, the postsocialist societies of East Central Europe (ECE) were visited by economists from universities and international financial institutions bringing therapies, formulas, and blueprints for how to get from communism to capitalism. These neoliberals proposed an agenda for de-statization and deregulation. Marketization was not the business of states; state functions should be reduced to protecting freedoms.Instead of Chicago, Cambridge, and Berkeley, the traffic in expertise now flows from Brussels, and the message is clear: market making is about the remaking of the state, not its decomposition. Whereas the Washington consensus offered recipes for getting prices right, the prescriptions for European accession are about getting the rules right. The definition of success is not reduction of the state but an increase in its regulative, administrative, and (horribile dictu) planning capacity. State capacity, moreover, becomes increasingly defined as the capacity not simply to regulate but, in fact, to adopt specific regulations emanating from Brussels. Europeanization is, thus, a kind of normalization-a process of meeting norms and standards numbering in the tens of thousands.Comparison across the postsocialist world indicates that a regulated order is more likely also to show a market order. Those countries that are adopting the demanding criteria of Europeanization as set by the Copenhagen criteria are those that are further on the road to functioning market economies. Meanwhile, other countries that are still struggling with the problem of how to build up state capacities are those that are almost entirely 74

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