Since the launch of Law No. 6/2014 regarding villages, scholarly concerns on village studies are growing. However, studies focusing on gender equality in Village Law implementation are still few. This article discusses the responses of the village government to gender problems in their respective areas. Based on field research in two villages in Java, namely Panggungharjo and Lerep, this article recognizes that there is greater attention on gender issues since the implementation of the law. However, village heads still dominate village policymaking. Further, although gaining some supports, gender issues are still placed as the secondary among the village development priorities. They also lack of empowerment programs that will have a direct impact on the improvement of gender equality. Considering these criticisms, there is a crucial need for the national government to issue regulations that will encourage a stronger assertion of gender equality in Village Law implementation.
Pandemi yang diakibatkan infeksi Covid-19 sejak akhir 2019 hingga saat ini memberikan pelajaran baru atas pendekatan kebijakan. Selama ini, ilmuan cenderung melihat kebijakan pada dari dua kutub pendekatan, yaitu kebijakan sebagai business as usual dan kebijakan di masa krisis. Munculnya pandemi ini rupanya menghadirkan tantangan yang jauh lebih besar dari apa yang dibayangkan dalam kebijakan dalam situasi krisis. Mulai dari ketidakjelasan informasi tentang virus, ketidakpastian berakhirnya penularan, dilema prioritas kesehatan dan ekonomi, terbatasnya sumberdaya yang dimiliki, adalah beberapa persoalan global yang terus mencuat di tengah tekanan publik yang makin besar terhadap kebijakan pemerintah. Artikel ini berusaha mengurai kerumitan kebijakan dalam konteks Covid-19, yang penulis sebut sebagai kebijakan multi-krisis. Dengan mengandalkan pada penelitian sekunder dengan sumber utama adalah dokumen-dokumen literatur, maka artikel ini adalah tawaran ide dalam mengkerangkai teori kebijakan.
Tulisan ini mengkaji kecenderungan partisipasi pemilih pemula di Jawa Tengah menjelang Pemilihan Gubernur 2018, dengan lokasi penelitian di Kabupaten Temanggung. Sebagaimana diketahui, partisipasi politik dalam pemilu sering dikaitkan dengan persentase kehadiran pemilih dalam tempat pemungutan suara (TPS). Tingkat partisipasi politik ini seringkali dihubungkan dengan legitimasi hasil pemilu, yakni seberapa besar dukungan suara yang didapat oleh pemenang pemilu, dimana makin tinggi tingkat partisipasi maka hasil pemilu dianggap semakin legitimatif. Pemilih muda dan pemilih pemula dalam kajian partisipasi politik saat ini semakin mendapatkan perhatian dari kalangan ilmuan politik di Indonesia. Pertanyaannya kemudian, bagaimana dinamikanya di lapangan, dan bagaimana para pemilih muda memiliki persepsi tentang kandidat dan pemilu menarik untuk ditelisik lebih jauh. Hasil kajian ini menunjukkan bahwa pemilih muda skeptis terhadap politik, pemilu dan kandidat, walaupun mereka bukan warga negara yang pesimis. Mereka tetap anti-hoaks, meskipun juga ada sebagian yang menoleransi politik uang. Kelompok muda ini juga terbuka dengan berbagai program pendidikan politik dan masih memiliki harapan terhadap hasil pemilu yang transformatif.
In the study of women’s activism in politics, the role of women’s activists as seen by the perspective of women’s representation tends to underline their role in political recruitment and decision making in governing system after the process of elections is completed. This perspective assumes that political process works in more advance level by providing channels for women’s activists to articulate their political interests and careers. However, this assumption can be misleading in society that political process is dominated by political elites. This has made recruitment and policy more central and salient for publicity and put activists at the grassroot level are less significant. The case in Semarang city in Central Java province of Indonesia has told us that women activists are made merely as vote getters in election without a clear long-term political compensation that is beneficial for gender equality promotion. In Indonesia women are relatively well-organized through community organization, as PKK (Family Empowerment and Welfare) and Traditional Market Association which are attractive to be capitalized by political candidates through their women’s activists as part of winning team or known locally as tim sukses. Network owned by women activists is seen crucial by politicians (political parties and candidates) to persuade female voters in elections. However, more often, in electoral phases, the involvement of women activists in this matter is limited merely for getting votes from their fellow female voters in their community. Although in this context grass-root women’s activists looks negligible, in fact, micro processes in election, as in political campaign and especially canvassing, can be a crucial phase for women’s activists to strengthen their bargaining position against elites such as candidates for legislative bodies to advocates their interests, once the candidates are elected.
Generally studies on pribumi and Chinese relationship in Indonesia are dominated with conflict perspectives. In fact, in practice, the relationship between the two groups can be very dynamic. Amongst social tension arose between them, there are often stories about social harmony, social engagement and social cohesion. This is also what we found in the Minang-Chinese relationship in Padang, West Sumatra. The Minang-Chinese relationship in Padang, West Sumatra, in current period has been not only about social tension. In spite of the strong tension arose due to differences in ethnicity and religious belief, they are strongly tied in running local trading, political party, and other areas of public policy making. Competition in economy often stands together with cooperation. This similarly works in local politics, and, recently, community recovery post 2009-earthquake. Such dynamic relationships is inseparable from ethnic politics constructed throughout Padang history in the past. This paper sees that the relationships of Minang and Chinese are inseparable from the ethnic politics constructed throughout Padang history. This paper tries to portray briefly the journey of Minang and Chinese relationship in Padang and the politics that contextualizes the making of that relationship based on literature research and in-depth interviews. Despite its shortness, this paper is supposed to provide background information for those interested in discussing the issue of ethnicity in Padang and West Sumatra.
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