We develop a categorical compositional distributional semantics for Lambek Calculus with a Relevant Modality, !L * , which has a limited version of the contraction and permutation rules. The categorical part of the semantics is a monoidal biclosed category with a coalgebra modality as defined on Differential Categories. We instantiate this category to finite dimensional vector spaces and linear maps via "quantisation" functors and work with three concrete interpretations of the coalgebra modality. We apply the model to construct categorical and concrete semantic interpretations for the motivating example of !L * : the derivation of a phrase with a parasitic gap. The effectiveness of the concrete interpretations are evaluated via a disambiguation task, on an extension of a sentence disambiguation dataset to parasitic gap phrases, using BERT, Word2Vec, and FastText vectors and Relational tensors.

We develop a categorical compositional distributional semantics for Lambek Calculus with a Relevant Modality !L * , which has a limited edition of the contraction and permutation rules. The categorical part of the semantics is a monoidal biclosed category with a coalgebra modality, very similar to the structure of a Differential Category. We instantiate this category to finite dimensional vector spaces and linear maps via "quantisation" functors and work with three concrete interpretations of the coalgebra modality. We apply the model to construct categorical and concrete semantic interpretations for the motivating example of !L * : the derivation of a phrase with a parasitic gap. The effectiveness of the concrete interpretations are evaluated via a disambiguation task, on an extension of a sentence disambiguation dataset to parasitic gap phrase one, using BERT, Word2Vec, and FastText vectors and Relational tensors.

We develop a vector space semantics for Lambek Calculus with Soft Subexponentials, apply the calculus to construct compositional vector interpretations for parasitic gap noun phrases and discourse units with anaphora and ellipsis, and experiment with the constructions in a distributional sentence similarity task. As opposed to previous work, which used Lambek Calculus with a Relevant Modality the calculus used in this paper uses a bounded version of the modality and is decidable. The vector space semantics of this new modality allows us to meaningfully define contraction as projection and provide a linear theory behind what we could previously only achieve via nonlinear maps.

Lambek calculus with a relevant modality !L * of (Kanovich et al., 2016) syntactically resolves parasitic gaps in natural language. It resembles the Lambek calculus with anaphora LA of (Jäger, 1998) and the Lambek calculus with controlled contraction L of (Wijnholds and Sadrzadeh, 2019b) which deal with anaphora and ellipsis. What all these calculi add to Lambek calculus is a copying and moving behaviour. Distributional semantics is a subfield of Natural Language Processing that uses vector space semantics for words via co-occurrence statistics in large corpora of data. Compositional vector space semantics for Lambek Calculi are obtained via the DisCoCat models (Coecke et al., 2010). LA does not have a vector space semantics and the semantics of L is not compositional. Previously, we developed a DisCoCat semantics for !L * and focused on the parasitic gap applications. In this paper, we use the vector space instance of that general semantics and show how one can also interpret anaphora, ellipsis, and for the first time derive the sloppy vs strict vector readings of ambiguous anaphora with ellipsis cases. The base of our semantics is tensor algebras and their finite dimensional variants: the Fermionic Fock spaces of Quantum Mechanics. We implement our model and experiment with the ellipsis disambiguation task of (Wijnholds and Sadrzadeh, 2019a). 2 McPheat et al.