Hospitals and perinatal organizations recognize the importance of family engagement in the neonatal intensive care unit (NICU). The Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (AHRQ) defines family engagement as “A set of behaviors by patients, family members, and health professionals and a set of organizational policies and procedures that foster both the inclusion of patients and family members as active members of the health care team and collaborative partnerships with providers and provider organizations.” In-unit barriers and facilitators to enhance family engagement are well studied; however, less is known specifically about maternal engagement's influence in the NICU on the health of infants and mothers, particularly within U.S. social and healthcare contexts. In this integrative review, we examine the relationship between maternal engagement in the NICU and preterm infant and maternal health outcomes within the U.S. Results from the 33 articles that met inclusion criteria indicate that maternal engagement in the NICU is associated with infant outcomes, maternal health-behavior outcomes, maternal mental health outcomes, maternal-child bonding outcomes, and breastfeeding outcomes. Skin-to-skin holding is the most studied maternal engagement activity in the U.S. preterm NICU population. Further research is needed to understand what types of engagement are most salient, how they should be measured, and which immediate outcomes are the best predictors of long-term health and well-being.

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Background: Mothers of preterm infants face significant challenges to breastfeeding. The theory of planned behavior (TPB) is a well-known framework comprising three domains (attitudes, perceived control, and social norms), which has been used to conceptualize the array of factors that influence health-related behaviors and develop interventions to promote behaviors. Aim: We used the TPB framework to determine the array of factors that contribute to breastfeeding among mothers of preterm infants. Materials and Methods: Using qualitative research methods, we conducted in-depth, semistructured interviews with mothers regarding their experiences feeding their preterm infants according to TPB domains. We developed themes based on an iterative process of review of transcripts and conducted interviews until thematic saturation was reached. Results: We interviewed 23 mothers in 3 states 2 to 6 months after hospital discharge; 22 mothers initiated milk production and 6 were breastfeeding at the time of the interview. Factors that were positive and negative toward breastfeeding were present for all three TPB domains. Regarding attitudes, mothers felt that breastfeeding was a way to bond, that breast milk was healthy and protective, and that breast milk alone was insufficient for a growing preterm infant. Regarding perceived control, mothers felt empowered to breastfeed due to encouragement from hospital staff, friends, and family, and had difficulty overcoming their infant's immature oral feeding skills, competing responsibilities, and perceived infant preference for bottle feeding. Regarding social norms, mothers reported support for and against breastfeeding among hospital and Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Woman, Infants, and Children (WIC) providers, family, friends, and the media. Conclusion: Interventional studies geared toward breastfeeding promotion among mothers of preterm infants may focus on addressing barriers to direct breastfeeding during the neonatal intensive care unit and early postdischarge time periods.

Drawing upon over a decade of research in our respective communities, we argue that the intergenerational socioeconomic insecurities and violence prevalent in the lives of North American street‐involved women, their families, and others in their social circles constitute a set of shared precarities. Taking both socioinstitutional and interpersonal forms, shared precarities obviate the women's rights to access the lived experience and social status of motherhood. Yet they also engender maternal subjectivities reflective of the ambivalence, temporal ambiguity, and interconnections between family and state structures that characterize the women's child custody arrangements. These maternal subjectivities, and the shared precarities that give rise to them, emphasize how individual members of marginalized communities cope with violence generated by the legitimation of particular family forms and devaluation/criminalization of others. [gender, sex work, precarity, United States, Canada]

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