Theory and research suggest that people can increase their happiness through simple intentional positive activities, such as expressing gratitude or practicing kindness. Investigators have recently begun to study the optimal conditions under which positive activities increase happiness and the mechanisms by which these effects work. According to our positive-activity model, features of positive activities (e.g., their dosage and variety), features of persons (e.g., their motivation and effort), and person-activity fit moderate the effect of positive activities on well-being. Furthermore, the model posits four mediating variables: positive emotions, positive thoughts, positive behaviors, and need satisfaction. Empirical evidence supporting the model and future directions are discussed.

At the top of parents’ many wishes is for their children to be happy, to be good, and to be well-liked. Our findings suggest that these goals may not only be compatible but also reciprocal. In a longitudinal experiment conducted in 19 classrooms in Vancouver, 9- to 11-year olds were instructed to perform three acts of kindness (versus visit three places) per week over the course of 4 weeks. Students in both conditions improved in well-being, but students who performed kind acts experienced significantly bigger increases in peer acceptance (or sociometric popularity) than students who visited places. Increasing peer acceptance is a critical goal, as it is related to a variety of important academic and social outcomes, including reduced likelihood of being bullied. Teachers and interventionists can build on this study by introducing intentional prosocial activities into classrooms and recommending that such activities be performed regularly and purposefully.

When it comes to the pursuit of happiness, popular culture encourages a focus on oneself. By contrast, substantial evidence suggests that what consistently makes people happy is focusing prosocially on others. In the current study, we contrasted the mood-and well-being-boosting effects of prosocial behavior (i.e., doing acts of kindness for others or for the world) and self-oriented behavior (i.e., doing acts of kindness for oneself) in a 6-week longitudinal experiment. Across a diverse sample of participants (N ϭ 473), we found that the 2 types of prosocial behavior led to greater increases in psychological flourishing than did self-focused and neutral behavior. In addition, we provide evidence for mechanisms explaining the relative improvements in flourishing among those prompted to do acts of kindnessnamely, increases in positive emotions and decreases in negative emotions. Those assigned to engage in self-focused behavior did not report improved psychological flourishing, positive emotions, or negative emotions relative to controls. The results of this study contribute to a growing literature supporting the benefits of prosocial behavior and challenge the popular perception that focusing on oneself is an optimal strategy to boost one's mood. People striving for happiness may be tempted to treat themselves. Our results, however, suggest that they may be more successful if they opt to treat someone else instead.

A 4-week-long experiment examined the effects of a positive activity intervention in which students wrote about their ''best possible selves'' (BPS) once a week. We manipulated two factors that might affect the success of the happiness-increasing activity-whether the positive activity was administered online versus in-person and whether the participant read a persuasive peer testimonial before completing the activity. Our results indicated that the BPS activity significantly boosted positive affect and flow and marginally increased feelings of relatedness. No differences were found between participants who completed the positive activity online versus in-person. However, students who read a testimonial extolling the virtues of the BPS activity showed larger gains in wellbeing than those who read neutral information or completed a control task. The results lend legitimacy to online self-administered happiness-increasing activities and highlight the importance of participants' beliefs in the efficacy of such activities for optimum results.

Research shows that performing positive activities, such as expressing gratitude and doing acts of kindness, boosts happiness. But do specific positive activities work equally well across cultures? Our study examined the role of culture–activity fit by testing two positive activities across two cultures. Participants from the United States (n = 250) and South Korea (n = 270) were randomly assigned to express gratitude, perform kind acts, or engage in a neutral activity for the first half of a 6-week positive activity intervention. Multilevel growth modeling analyses revealed that the effect of practicing gratitude or kindness was moderated by culture: U.S. participants increased in well-being (WB) from both activities, γ11 = 0.19, SE = 0.06, t(511) = 3.04, p = .0006; γ12= 0.11, SE = 0.06, t(511) = 1.73, p = .03 (compared with the control group), but South Korean participants benefited significantly less from practicing gratitude than did U.S. participants, γ13 = −0.24, SE = 0.07, t(511) = −3.36, p = .002. South Korean participants, however, showed similar increases in WB as did U.S. participants when performing kind acts, γ14 = −0.06, SE = 0.07, t(511) = −0.82, ns. Finally, although greater self-reported effort yielded significantly larger increases in WB for U.S. participants, the effect of effort was not as strong for South Korean participants. We posit that, due to their dialectical philosophical tradition, South Koreans might have been more prone to feel mixed emotions (e.g., indebtedness and gratitude) while engaging in the gratitude letter activity than did U.S. participants.

Our article reviews and celebrates Susan Nolen-Hoeksema's remarkable contributions to psychological and clinical science, focusing on her vast body of theoretical and empirical work and her influence on colleagues and students. Susan spent her career trying to understand how and why a style of regulating emotions called rumination increases vulnerability to depression and exacerbates and perpetuates negative moods. More broadly, we describe research by Susan and her colleagues on the predictors of depression in childhood and adolescence; gender differences in depression and rumination in adolescence and adulthood; roots, correlates, and adverse consequences of ruminative response styles; and rumination as a transdiagnostic risk factor for not only depression but also a host of psychological disorders, including anxiety, substance abuse, and eating disorders. Susan's intellectual legacy is evident in her impressive publication and citation record, the clinical applications of her work, and the flourishing careers of the students she mentored.

Applying Nolen-Hoeksema and Watkins's (2011) transdiagnostic risk factor heuristic to our work on positive activities (i.e., practices that characterize naturally happy people, like expressing gratitude and practicing generosity), we propose that such activities may serve as protective factors that mitigate proximal risk factors both directly and by intervening with the mechanisms that give rise to them. First, we discuss theoretical and empirical support for the importance of well-being and the mechanisms that explain how positive activities promote well-being (by boosting positive emotions, positive thoughts, positive behaviors, and need satisfaction; Lyubomirsky & Layous, 2013). Second, we outline examples of how positive activities can mitigate two particular proximal risk factors (rumination and loneliness) and counteract environmental triggers (i.e., moderators) that might amplify them (e.g., through adaptive coping). Third, we argue that positive activities can be taught to youth to instill positive patterns of emotions, thoughts, and behaviors that may serve as protective factors over the course of their lifetimes. Lastly, we propose that certain positive activities might be particularly well-suited to certain individuals and to specific risk factors.

O objetivo do estudo foi verificar as relações entre forças de caráter e a satisfação com a vida, bem como investigar as diferenças de média entre os sexos e as idades dos participantes. A amostra contou com 186 universitários, 62,9% do sexo feminino, com idades entre 17 e 45 anos (M=21,55; DP=4,79), de dois estados brasileiros. Os instrumentos utilizados foram a Escala de Forças de Caráter e a Escala de Satisfação com a Vida. Os resultados apontaram diferenças significativas em relação ao sexo, sendo que as mulheres tiveram pontuações mais altas em quatro forças de caráter. Em relação a idade, não foram encontrados resultados significativos. No que diz respeito à correlação entre os construtos estudados, verificou-se que vitalidade, gratidão, esperança, perseverança e amor foram as forças mais relacionadas à satisfação com a vida, apresentando magnitudes moderadas. Os achados mostraram que os indivíduos com pontuações mais altas nas forças esperança, vitalidade, gratidão, amor, curiosidade, perseverança e inteligência social, tendem a vivenciar uma vida mais satisfeita. Palavras-chave: psicologia positiva; avaliação psicológica; testes psicológicos. ASOCIACIONES ENTRE FORTALEZAS DEL CARÁCTER Y SATISFACCIÓN CON LA VIDA: UN ESTUDIO CON UNIVERSITARIOSResumen El objetivo del estudio fue verificar las relaciones entre fortalezas del carácter y satisfacción con la vida, y las diferencias de medias entre el sexo y la edad de los participantes. La muestra estuvo conformada por 186 estudiantes universitarios, 62,9% de sexo femenino, con edades entre 17 y 45 años (M=21,55; DP=4,79), provenientes de dos estados brasileños. Los instrumentos utilizados fueron la Escala de Fortalezas del Carácter y la Escala de Satisfacción con la Vida. Los resultados señalaron diferencias significativas en relación con el sexo, ya que las mujeres tuvieron puntuaciones más altas en cuatro fortalezas del carácter. No se encontraron diferencias significativas en cuanto a la edad de los participantes. Sobre las correlaciones entre los constructos estudiados, se observó que vitalidad, gratitud, esperanza, perseverancia y amor fueron las fortalezas más relacionadas con la satisfacción con la vida, en magnitudes moderadas. Los resultados mostraron que los individuos con puntuaciones más altas en esperanza, vitalidad, gratitud, amor, curiosidad, perseverancia e inteligencia social, tienden a vivir una vida más satisfactoria.