Currently, a number of different federal, state, and local definitions of brownfields are in use. I argue here that two types of definitions are required. The first is a broad, universally agreed upon conceptual definition that will permit the creation of brownfield inventories for resource allocation and federal funding purposes and will inform individuals of potential health hazards in their communities. The second type of definition, which assumes the underlying conceptual definition, specifies eligibility qualifications for particular programs. The conceptual definition should contain terms that are unambiguous, and should allow policy makers and practitioners wide latitude in addressing the dual nature of brownfields as both environmental and economic problems. A definition satisfying these criteria is provided in the 2001 Brownfields Revitalization and Environmental Restoration Act. In this article, I trace the evolution of the dual nature of brownfields and offer examples of the various meanings assigned to the term by state and federal entities. I then examine key distinctions made in various definitions and assess their appropriateness as components of a universal conceptual definition. Such a definition must remain true to the environmental and economic development concerns that gave rise to the term. Only the definitional elements central to these concerns should be included-i.e., the presence or potential presence of contamination and the complications this environmental condition presents for redeveloping a site. Further specifications should be relegated to eligibility definitions that designate legal and programmatic qualifications. The analysis indicates that the conceptual definition provided in the 2001 Act is superior to other definitions in use and should be adopted at all levels of government. Environmental Practice 5:25-33 (2003)
A theoretical framework is presented that focuses on the division of labor by gender to account for both sex role stereotypes and the correspondence between these stereotypes and the self‐concepts of women and men. According to this framework, the self‐images of adults are largely constituted by attributes generated by their productive activity. These attributes, referred to as work‐emergent traits, are consequences of working within particular social and physical conditions of production because they help individuals to perform work tasks and to regulate their emotional responses to the Stressors attendant upon their work roles. Because of sexual segregation in the work force, certain traits have been generalized to all women and to all men, appearing as sex role stereotypes. Although the sexual division of labor is the root cause of stereotypical beliefs regarding the attributes of women and men, the beliefs themselves also sustain the division of labor. Suggestive pilot data, which provide initial substantiation for this theoretical perspective, are briefly discussed.
This article discusses three basic strategies used by women coal miners to manage sexual harassment. “Ladies” sought to cast men into roles as gentlemen and withdrew socially when they encountered offensive behavior. This approach was often effective for older women but inhibited Ladies' promotion aspirations. “Flirts” engaged in interactions with men in a way perceived to be seductive. They were likely to receive come-ons from men which Flirts interpreted as flattery. However, they experienced severe harassment as a consensus grew that the women were using their sexuality to obtain preferential treatment. “Tomboys” emphasized an identity as miners and engaged in jocular/sexual interactions associated with the work role. They experienced a great deal of sexual “razzing” but this was often intended and interpreted as friendly, inclusionary treatment. Those Tomboys who reciprocated the level of vulgarity typical of men, however, risked escalation of razzing into harassing episodes that distressed them. Policy implications of the study include supportive programs for women and greater structuring in training and assignment procedures.
The 1980 Superfund Act has severely retarded economic development efforts to renovate abandoned and underused lands and buildings by holding past and present landowners liable for environmental hazards on their properties. This article takes a look at some noneconomic factors shaping investor risk perception. We review risk characteristics such as uncertainty and uncontrollability, the workings of the availability heuristic (a critical psychological factor), and the social amplification of risk We apply findings and insights from the literature to property developers and financiers to better understand both their motivations and specific fears of brownfield opportunities. This review permits us to assess the opportunities available for public sector intervention to stimulate capital flows to brownfield locations. We conclude by recommending public sector efforts that could both improve the environmental status of old brownfield sites and stimulate new investment and economic development in locales suffering excessive capital flight.
Environmental insurance (EI) can facilitate the redevelopment of potentially contaminated sites in distressed urban areas by providing a means to manage the environmental and financial risks at these properties. We draw on a survey and interviews of private brownfield developers to provide information on current EI utilization, factors that affect this, and ways in which public officials can facilitate its use when appropriate. We find that EI appears particularly relevant at sites where high-risk financing capital is used, off-site contaminant migration is likely, institutional controls are prevalent, or when developers lack adequate risk spreading across their project portfolios. Local governments and nonprofit organizations can promote EI use at both private and public properties through information dissemination, direct use of insurance-based risk transfer tools, and financial subsidies to developers for EI use.
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