Combustible tobacco users appear to be at greater risk for serious complications from COVID-19. This study examined cigar smokers’ perceived risk of COVID-19, quit intentions, and behaviors during the current pandemic. We conducted an online study between 23 April 2020 to 7 May 2020, as part of an ongoing study examining perceptions of different health effects of cigars. All participants used cigars in the past 30 days (n = 777). Three-quarters of the sample (76.0%) perceived they had a higher risk of complications from COVID-19 compared to non-smokers. The majority of participants (70.8%) intended to quit in the next six months due to COVID-19, and almost half of the sample (46.5%) reported making a quit attempt since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic. Far more participants reported increasing their tobacco use since COVID-19 started (40.9%) vs. decreasing their tobacco use (17.8%). Black or African American participants, participants who reported using a quitline, and participants with higher COVID-19 risk perceptions had higher intentions to quit using tobacco due to COVID-19, and higher odds of making a quit attempt since COVID-19 started. More research is needed to understand how tobacco users are perceiving COVID-19 risks and changing their tobacco use behaviors.

Objective In this paper we synthesize the evidence from eye tracking research in tobacco control to inform tobacco regulatory strategies and tobacco communication campaigns. Methods We systematically searched 11 databases for studies that reported eye tracking outcomes in regards to tobacco regulation and communication. Two coders independently reviewed studies for inclusion and abstracted study characteristics and findings. Results Eighteen studies met full criteria for inclusion. Eye tracking studies on health warnings consistently showed these warnings often were ignored, though eye tracking demonstrated that novel warnings, graphic warnings, and plain packaging can increase attention toward warnings. Eye tracking also revealed that greater visual attention to warnings on advertisements and packages consistently was associated with cognitive processing as measured by warning recall. Conclusions Eye tracking is a valid indicator of attention, cognitive processing, and memory. The use of this technology in tobacco control research complements existing methods in tobacco regulatory and communication science; it also can be used to examine the effects of health warnings and other tobacco product communications on consumer behavior in experimental settings prior to the implementation of novel health communication policies. However, the utility of eye tracking will be enhanced by the standardization of methodology and reporting metrics.

This paper describes how components of communication campaigns about cigarette constituents are perceived. Multiple elements of a tobacco constituent message, including type of constituent, image, and message source may influence the reception of messages among current smokers. Communication campaigns targeting smokers that utilize arsenic as the tobacco constituent, visual imagery, and the FDA logo may be particularly effective in changing key outcomes among smokers. The effects of such campaigns should be examined, as well as the mechanisms through which such campaigns affect change.

Introduction IOM has called for an increase in the minimum age of tobacco product sales. It is not clear what age increase would garner the greatest public support, or whether trust in the U.S. government predicts policy support. Methods The data for these analyses are from a nationally representative telephone sample of U.S. adults (N=4,880) conducted from September 2014 to May 2015. The authors assessed whether support varied by the proposed minimum age of tobacco sales using a survey experiment (i.e., random assignment to the 19-, 20-, or 21-year age minimum condition), and, in cross-sectional analyses, whether smoking status, individual demographics, state-level politics, and general trust in the government predicted policy support. Analyses were conducted from May to December 2015. Results Odds of support for raising the minimum sales age to 21 years trended higher than support for raising to age 20 or 19 years (AOR=1.22, 95% CI=0.97, 1.53, p=0.09). There was majority support for raising the age of sales for cigarettes in all regions of the U.S. (66.3%, 95% CI=64.0, 68.6). Race, age, and trust in government were significant predictors of support. Conclusions Raising the age of tobacco sales is broadly supported by the public. An age 21 years tobacco sales policy trends toward garnering more support than a policy at age 19 or 20 years. Trust in government may be an important consideration in understanding policy support beyond demographics.

People with low socioeconomic status (SES) in the United States have disparately high rates of smoking and experience disproportionately high burdens of smoking-related disease. Tobacco control media campaigns are a critical strategy for reducing tobacco use prevalence, but evidence is mixed about the optimal use of mass media to reach and promote tobacco use cessation among people with low SES. Improved understanding of the factors influencing how low-SES tobacco users evaluate tobacco control media campaigns may inform development of more effective messages and strategies. Focus groups with primarily low-SES smokers in Connecticut were conducted, finding that participants had seen many tobacco control television ads that used graphic imagery and testimonials, but participants voiced two main themes that limited ad effectiveness: (1) skepticism about the content of ads, the role of the tobacco industry and the government in sponsoring the ads, and the safety and efficacy of cessation supports; and (2) barriers to quitting such as stress, social contexts, and addiction that participants perceived as being underappreciated in the context of the ads. Tobacco control media campaigns targeting low-SES tobacco users may need additional messages, tools, or refinements to more optimally motivate this group to make quit attempts.

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Objectives The U. S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) now has regulatory authority over all tobacco products. Little is known about public awareness and perceptions of FDA in their new role as a tobacco regulator. This research utilizes focus groups to examine perceptions of FDA as a tobacco regulator so that FDA can better communicate with the public about this role. Methods We conducted 6 focus groups in 2014 among a diverse sample of smokers and non-smokers. Participants were asked if they had heard of FDA, what they knew about FDA, if they associated FDA with tobacco, and their thoughts about this FDA role. Results A total of 41 individuals participated. Although nearly all participants had heard of FDA, most were not aware of FDA’s regulatory authority over tobacco products, did not associate the role of FDA with tobacco, and some drew comparisons between FDA’s work in tobacco and their work regulating food and drugs. Conclusion Data suggest that although public awareness of FDA regulatory authority over tobacco is low, with proper public education, the public may find FDA to be a trustworthy source of tobacco regulation.

This study is the first to show nationally representative estimates of both knowledge and credibility of the FDA as a tobacco regulator. Our research shows further that knowledge of the FDA's tobacco regulatory roles is likely to be an important factor related to perceived credibility of the FDA. Increasing the public's knowledge of the FDA's roles may enhance the agency's credibility, which can improve public reception to messages and regulations.